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THE   IMPORTANCE   OF  THE  REIGN 

OF  QUEEN  ANNE  IN  ENGLISH 

CHURCH  HISTORY. 


fi 


THE  IMPORTANCE  OF  THE  REIGN 

OF  QUEEN  ANNE  IN  ENGLISH 

CHURCH  HISTORY 

THE  GLADSTONE  MEMORIAL  ESSAY 

FOR    191 1 


BY 


FREDERICK   WILLIAM    WILSON 

11 

MANCHESTER    UNIVERSITY 
EXHIBITIONER   OF   NEW  COLLEGE 


WITH  AN  INTRODUCTION  BY 

C.  W.  C.  OMAN 

CHICHELE   PROFESSOR   OF   MODERN    HISTORY 


B.  H.  BLACKWELL,  BROAD  STREET 
Xon&on 

SIMPKIN,  MARSHALL  &  CO.  LIMITED 

MCMXI, 


VQ^ 


PREFATORY   NOTE. 

To  deal  with  a  congested  period  like  that 
from  1702 — 14  within  the  statutory  limits  of 
12,500  words  is  a  thankless  task.  Much  has 
had  to  be  sacrificed  and  the  present  "pamph- 
let "  can  have  no  pretensions  to  completeness. 
It  is  but  a  slender  outline  which  may  at  some 
time  be  elaborated  into  a  larger,  more  satis- 
fying volume.  My  best  thanks  are  due  to  my 
first  teacher  of  history,  Prof.  T.  F.  Tout,  M.A., 
for  characteristic  and  illuminating  hints,  and 
to  Prof.  C.  W.  C.  Oman  for  so  kindly  ushering 
this  publication  into  the  world. 

F.  W.  W. 


227066 


INTRODUCTION. 

I  have  always  been  a  believer  in  the  advisability 
of  publishing  the  better  sort  of  University  Prize 
Essays.  I  do  not,  of  course,  mean  that  all 
successful  compositions  should  be  consigned 
to  the  press,  but  I  know,  as  a  not  infrequent 
examiner,  of  several  cases  where  by  non-publi- 
cation the  reading  public  has  been  deprived 
of  a  useful  little  monograph,  embodying  the 
latest  results  of  research  on  some  interesting 
subject.  But  there  is  another  point,  which  is 
still  more  important.  The  University  Prize 
Winners  of  to-day  are  in  many  cases  going 
to  be  the  writers  of  history  in  the  coming 
generation.  No  training  in  serious  composition 
can  be  better  than  that  which  consists  in  the 
developing  of  a  prize  thesis,  written  under  diffi- 
culties and  against  time,  into  a  piece  of  work 
which  is  intended  to  be  complete  and  per- 
manent. The  printing  of  his  essay  gives  to 
the  young  historian  the  chance  of  learning  his 
art  at  an  early  age:  he  has  done  with  com- 


8  INTRODUCTION 

petition  and  the  temptation  to  be  lively  at  all 
costs  in  order  to  catch  the  examiner's  eye,  and 
is  free  to  turn  an  essay  into  a  monograph  by 
leisurely  and  conscientious  revision.  I  lately 
had  to  act  as  one  of  the  judges  for  the  Glad- 
stone Essay,  which  is  no  longer,  as  it  used 
to  be,  a  mere  second  prize  for  the  candidate 
who  just  fails  to  win  the  Stanhope,  but  is 
an  independent  composition.  Discovering  that 
the  winner  was  a  member  of  my  own  old 
College,  in  which  I  had  taught  history  for 
twenty  years,  and  having  found  the  essay 
well  worth  expansion,  I  was  naturally  ready 
to  urge  the  author  to  rewrite  it  and  put  it  into 
print.  Much  has  been  written  about  the  Church 
in  the  reign  of  Queen  Anne,  but  readers  will 
find  that  this  essay  is  not  a  mere  repetition  of 
hackneyed  information,  nor  a  rediscussion  of 
the  old  politico-religious  problems  of  the  time, 
but  a  piece  of  work  with  an  original  value  of 
its  own,  dealing  with  some  of  the  aspects  of 
the  time  which  have  often  received  less  notice 
than  they  deserve. 

C.   W.   C.   OMAN 


THE    IMPORTANCE  OF  THE   REIGN 

OF  QUEEN  ANNE  IN  ENGLISH 

CHURCH  HISTORY. 

The  purpose  of  this  essay  is  to  extract  from 
the  bewildering  detail  of  the  period  1702 — 
1714  certain  unities  which  render  it  important 
in  the  history  of  the  English  Church.  To 
dissociate  entirely  the  history  of  the  Church 
from  the  history  of  the  State  is  impossible. 
An  attempt  is  made  to  emphasise  only  move- 
ments which  affect  pre-eminently  ecclesiastical 
history,  with  two  reservations.  The  history  of 
the  State  has  never  been  lost  sight  of,  for 
the  chief  value  of  the  results  of  ecclesiastical 
history  is  to  explain  issues  otherwise  unknown, 
and  the  wider  movements  of  the  Church  His- 
tory itself  have  been  dealt  with  rather  than 
the  many  minor  peculiarities  of  the  detailed 
ecclesiastical    life.       Controversies    especially 


10      THE  IMPORTANCE  OF  THE  REIGN  OF 

have  been  avoided ;  they  have  only  been  con- 
sidered with  reference  to  their  general  relation 
to  the  main  tendencies  of  the  time. 

The  reign  of  Anne  is  corollary  to  the  Revo- 
lution of  1688.  Its  chief  unity  of  movement 
follows  from  the  fact  that  the  problems  for 
which  it  demanded  an  answer,  the  issues 
raised  in  it,  and  the  divisions  of  its  parties 
owe  their  origin  to  the  Revolution.  As  this 
is  true  of  the  general  history  of  the  reign  so 
is  it  true  of  the  departmental.  The  same 
influences  are  at  the  basis  of  the  history  of 
the  Church  ;  it  is  only  on  this  foundation  that 
a  successful  attempt  at  the  delineation  and 
the  arrangement  of  the  ecclesiastical  facts  can 
be  built.  Considered  primarily  in  this  light 
the  Church  History  of  the  reign  will  be  dealt 
with  in  six  sections.  Their  interconnection 
will  be  indicated,  and  from  the  determination 
of  their  relationship  generalisations  will  be 
drawn  to  show  the  importance  of  the  period. 

The  first  section  deals  with  the  years  1702 — 
1710.  It  outlines  the  main  theme  of  these 
eight  years,  the  bitter  strife  for  power  between 
the  High  Church  or  Tory  party  and  the  Low 
Church  or  Whig  party.     The  strife  is  inex- 


QUEEN    ANNE    IN    ENGLISH    CHURCH    HISTORY     II 

tricably  entangled  with  the  political  history 
of  the  reign  ;  for  when  the  chief  difference 
between  the  two  parties  was  in  the  main 
religious  it  could  not  be  otherwise.  Con- 
fusion was  intensified  by  the  fact  that  both 
parties  were  led  by  extremists  in  political  and 
ecclesiastical  matters  alike,  whose  sole  concern 
was  a  selfish  desire  for  power. 

This  first  period  has  its  chief  result  in  the 
victory  of  the  Tory  and  High  Church  party. 
It  was  a  victory  due  to  the  predilections  ot 
of  the  Queen,  the  innate  Toryism  of  the  mass 
of  the  country,  the  influence  of  the  Tory 
Clergy  on  the  country,  and  the  capture  of  the 
Evangelical  movement  by  the  High  Church 
party.  The  triumph  of  the  High  Church 
party  represents  a  combination  of  political 
intrigue  with  real  religious  worth  and  piety. 
The  High  Fliers,  the  extremists,  were  com- 
paratively few.  It  was  only  by  the  most 
careful  engineering  and  the  many  fortunate 
mistakes  of  the  Whig  party  that  the  moderate 
middle  portion  of  the  Church,  deeply  under 
the  influence  of  Evangelicalism,  was  captured 
and  led. 

The  relation  of  the  Church  in  such  a  con- 


12  THE    IMPORTANCE    OF   THE    REIGN    OF 

dition  with  the  movement  towards  Tolerance 
must  next  be  considered.  Toleration  found  but 
part  expression  in  the  Latitudinarianism  of  the 
Low  Church  party.  It  was  altogether  incom- 
patible with  the  nature  of  the  progressive 
movement  in  the  Church.  Consequently, 
Toleration  was  rejected  by  the  Church  be- 
cause its  existence  in  the  country  was  opposed 
to  the  High  Church  party's  desired  position 
as  the  embodiment  of  absolutism. 

The  third  division  groups  together  the 
various  expressions  of  Evangelicalism.  They 
were  the  product  of  the  revived  religious  spirit 
which  had  been  at  work  previous  to  1702,  but 
which  required  the  favourable  conditions  of 
Anne's  reign  to  acquire  maturity.  Opposed 
to  Toleration,  but  bound  close  to  Evangeli- 
calism, the  Church  reached  the  highest  point 
of  its  power  during  the  years  1710 — 1714. 

Before  the  examination  of  the  reasons  for 
the  failure  of  the  High  Church  party  to  render 
its  position  permanent,  the  history  of  Con- 
vocation during  the  reign  is  examined.  Apart 
from  the  all-absorbing  Convocation  contro- 
versy, the  work  of  Convocation  lends  itself  to 
the  same  generalisations  as  are  drawn  from 


QUEEN    ANNE    IN    ENGLISH    CHURCH    HISTORY     13 

the  wider  Church  History.  The  fall  of  the 
High  Fliers  in  1714  has  a  natural  sequel  in 
the  silencing  of  Convocation  in  1717. 

At  George  I.'s  accession  the  High  Church 
party  fell  from  power.  There  were  two  rea- 
sons, one  lay  in  immediate  political  facts,  and 
one  was  more  deep-rooted.  The  innate  leaven 
of  early  Stuart  political  theory  worked  suc- 
cessfully during  the  reign  of  the  last  Stuart 
Sovereign  and  the  High  Fliers  became  Jaco- 
bites. The  Tory  interest,  the  moderate  middle 
portion  of  the  Church,  though  largely  sympa- 
thetic, refused  to  follow  its  leaders.  It  relapsed 
into  a  moody  quietism,  only  to  be  prominent 
again  when  Bolingbroke  reorganised  the  party 
as  the  Hanoverian  Tories  in  1730.  The  en- 
thusiasm which  had  inspired  the  Evangelical 
movement  vanished  as  quickly  as  it  had  come. 
This  Jacobitism  of  the  High  Church  party  and 
the  consequent  effect  on  the  country  forms 
the  fifth  division. 

The  more  deep-rooted  cause  of  the  failure 
of  the  High  Church  party  lay  in  the  growth 
of  the  movement  known  as  Rationalism.  This 
represents,  in  one  sense,  an  assertion  of  intel- 
lectual freedom,  of  demanded  tolerance,  and  in 


14  THE   IMPORTANCE    OF  THE    REIGN   OF 

another  a  rebellion  against  the  last  attempts 
of  the  Church  to  establish  a  hierarchy  based 
on  its  old  theology.  In  both  senses  it  was 
destructive.  Its  attack  was  delivered  under 
the  disguise  of  philosophy,  moral  and  political. 
It  was  an  intellectual  revolt,  and  coupled  with 
political  developments  brought  about  the  col- 
lapse of  the  High  Church  party.  It  was  the 
English  portion  of  a  European  movement. 
Its  effect  was  to  bring  England  up  to  date  in 
theological  and  intellectual  thought,  and  it 
was  accomplished  at  the  cost  of  nearly  the 
utter  loss  of  Church  life  and  true  Christianity. 
The  lamentable  state  of  the  Church  in  the 
eighteenth  century  was  a  consequence  of  the 
collapse  of  the  Church  party  in  1714. 


I. 

The  Revolution  had  made  distinct  cleavages 
in  Church  and  State,  which  were  in  the  main 
commensurate.  The  High  Church  and  the 
Low  Church  parties  were  one  and  the  same 
with  the  Tory  and  the  Whig  parties.  In- 
deed, purely  political  differences  were  few,  and 


QUEEN    ANNE    IN    ENGLISH    CHURCH    HISTORY     15 

centred  almost  entirely  round  the  question  of 
the  French  War.  The  bitterest  differences 
of  the  two  parties  were  ecclesiastical  ones,  and 
even  their  political  differences  were  in  some 
sense  religious.1 

The  two  parties  of  High  and  Low  Church 
were  divided  by  "  their  different  ideas  of  the 
origin,  extent  and  dignity  of  the  episcopal 
jurisdiction."2  The  High  Church  Party  as- 
serted that  the  government  of  bishops  was 
of  divine  origin  and  were  over  eager  in  their 
assertion  and  jealous  guard  of  the  privileges 
and  position  of  the  Church.3  The  character- 
istics of  the  Low  Church  party  were  in  the 
main  their  moderate  zeal  for  the  episcopal 
jurisdiction  and  a  willingness  to  grant  the 
name  of  a  Church  to  a  religious  body  even 
though  it  was  not  governed  by  a  bishop.4 
The  High  Church  party  held  to  its  old 
theories  of  divine  right  and  passive  obedience 

1  See  Lord  (W.  F.),  Development  of  Political  Parties  during  the 
Reign  of  Queen  Anne  (Transac.  Royal  Hist.  Society,  New  Series, 
Vol.  xiv.,  p.  73-4,  London,  1900). 

*  Mosheim,  Ecclesiastical  History  (Trans.  181 1),  Vol.  vi. 
p.  33-  Ibid. 

4  Somers  Collection  of  Political  Tracts,  Vol.  xn.,  p.  665.  The 
Low  Church  address  given  here  is  a  good  expression  of  that 
party's  views. 


l6      THE  IMPORTANCE  OF  THE  REIGN  OF 

and  did  not  view  favourably  the  prospect  of 
the  Hanoverian  succession.  The  Low  Church 
party  had  denounced  the  doctrines  long  dear 
to  the  Church  and  had  bound  up  their  interest 
closely  with  the  Protestant  succession. 

The  reign  of  William  represents  the  ascend- 
ancy of  the  latter  party.  It  was  the  ascend- 
ancy of  a  minority.  A  bargain  had  been 
struck  with  one  of  the  astutest  of  monarchs, 
and  in  the  face  of  William's  whiggish  tenden- 
cies the  mass  of  the  country  did  their  part 
sulkily.  It  was  only  an  imprudent  act  of  an 
otherwise  careful  king  which  fanned  the  almost 
dead  embers  of  enthusiasm  or  sympathy  with 
a  foreign  war  into  the  flame  which  comforted 
and  gratified  William's  last  months.  Louis 
XIV.,  on  the  death  of  James  II.,  recognised 
his  son  as  King  of  England,  and  the  English 
Parliament  at  last  allowed  the  country  to  be 
definitely  committed  to  the  Grand  Alliance. 

William  had  come  to  England  with  the 
avowed  intention  of  defending  the  "Protestant 
Religion."  He  found  the  English  Church  in 
rebellion  at  the  attempts  of  James  II.  to  con- 
vert it  to  the  Roman  Catholic  Religion.  He 
found   its   bishops   and   leading   clergy  faced 


QUEEN    ANNE    IN    ENGLISH    CHURCH    HISTORY     17 

with  the  dilemma  which  had  faced  Cranmer.1 
They  were  called  upon  by  the  dictates  of 
conscience  to  repudiate  a  doctrine  they  had  v 
incorporated  into  the  theology  of  the  Church 
and  which  they  had  fervently  preached.  "The 
Lord's  anointed" — "  the  Head  of  the  Church 
of  England  " — had  been  false  to  his  trust,  he 
had  tried  to  impose  on  the  country,  by  illegal 
means,  a  religion  which  the  people  detested 
and  loathed.  They  had  to  defend  their  charges, 
to  remain  true  to  their  ordination  vows,  and 
at  the  same  time  to  renounce  the  doctrines  ol  \S 
divine  right  and  passive  obedience. 

This  attitude  and  these  doctrines  were  held 
by  the  mass  of  the  clergy,  and,  because  of 
the  clergy's  great  influence  in  the  country, 
by  the  mass  of  the  people.  William  was 
accordingly  viewed  with  suspicion.  He  was' 
a  foreigner  and  no  friend  ol  the  Church.  He 
would  never  accept  the  doctrine  of  Apostoli- 
cal succession  seriously,2  and  his  well-meant 
desires    to    unite    the    English    and    Dutch 


1  Pollard.  Cranmer,  p.  363-5  and  381.  "For  good  or  for 
ill  he  had  pinned  his  faith  and  allegiance  to  the  State,  and 
logically  he  was  driven  to  obey  the  State. 

2  Lord,  Development  of  Political  Parties,  p.  75. 


/? 


l8  THE    IMPORTANCE    OF   THE    REIGN    OF 

Churches  alienated  the  body  of  the  former 
Church  from  him.  Some  of  the  clergy  indeed 
never  would  accept  him.  They  found  they 
believed  in  divine  hereditary  right  more  than 
they  feared  the  Romanist  policy  of  the  Stuarts. 
They  could  not  accept  the  "  Act  of  Settle- 
ment" or  the  "Abjuration  Act,"  and  by 
Midsummer  1691  Archbishop  Sancroft,  five 
bishops  and  about  four  hundred  clergy  were 
deprived  of  their  position  in  the  established 
Church.1 

Considering  the  deep-rooted  nature  of  the 
doctrine  of  divine  right  and  passive  obedience 
it  is  remarkable  that  the  Church  as  a  whole 
offered  no  opposition  to  William.  The  main 
body  of  the  clergy  waited  patiently  for  the 
accession  of  a  Tory  and  Stuart  Princess  and 
recognised  the  futility  of  opposition.  The 
more  dignified  part  of  the  clergy,  "  the 
wearers  of  the  gown  and  scarlet  hood," 2  were 
by  the  careful  exercise  of  preferments  made 
agreeable  to  the  King.  They  were  Whigs 
and  sympathised  with  his  enlightened  Toler- 
ation policy  as  well  as  his   Continental  pro- 

1  Lathbury,  History  of  the  Non-Jurors,  pp.  84  and  107. 

2  Swift. 


QUEEN    ANNE    IN    ENGLISH    CHURCH    HISTORY     19 

jects.  They  were  Latitudinarians  and  were 
too  advanced  for  the  sturdy  narrow  bigotry 
of  the  body  of  the  clergy.  Men  like  Burnet, 
Tillotson  and  Tenison,  the  leaders  of  the 
Whig  hierarchy  of  William,  were  in  constant 
opposition  to  and  entirely  out  of  sympathy 
with  the  Lower  House  of  Convocation  and 
the  interests  that  house  represented. 

The  reign  of  William  allowed  the  passions 
raised  by  the  Revolution  to  settle  somewhat, 
and  by  the  accession  of  Anne  the  parties  in 
the  Church,  though  still  including  the  sharp 
antagonisms  of  the  Revolution,  included  also 
some  points  of  resemblance  and  sympathy 
which  tended  to  widen  the  basis  of  the  Church 
and  to  leave  a  body  of  extremists  at  either 
end  almost  isolated.  The  main  body  of  the 
clergy  were  firmly  attached  to  the  Church  of 
their  ministry.  They  were  Tories  but  not 
extreme  Tories.  They  would  "  rather  have  / 
a  Turk  for  a  king  than  a  Papist."  *  They 
were  very  sensitive  to  the  cry  "  the  Church 
in  Danger,"  and  were  jealous  in  the  extreme 
of  their  privileges  and  position  in  the  country. 
Toleration  was  viewed  by  them  with  feelings 

1  Stuart  Papers,  Hist.  MSS.  Com.,  Vol.  1.,  p.  50  (Intro.). 


20  THE    IMPORTANCE    OF   THE    REIGN    OF 

of  indifference  or  apprehension,  and  they  were 
by  no  means  inclined  to  view  with  favour 
the  advanced  and  premature  proposals  of 
the  Whig  Episcopacy.  They  supported  the 
Protestant  succession  but  wished  for  the  im- 
possible ideal  of  a  Stuart  succession  of  direct 
descent  which  would  be  faithful  to  Coronation 
Oaths.  The  clergy  may  have  been  Jacobite 
in  sympathy  and  given  to  wistful  yearnings  in 
the  direction  of  St.  Germains,  but  on  the 
whole  they  were  closely  allied  to  the  best 
interests  of  the  Church  and  State.  When 
they  were  purged  of  their  Jacobitism  by  the 
catastrophe  of  1714  they  developed  into  the 
Hanoverian  Tories.  They  found  that  tamper- 
ing with  the  Pretender  meant  ruin.  They 
had  to  uphold  the  Protestant  succession  at  all 
costs.  At  one  extreme  of  the  clergy,  closely 
akin  to  the  non-Jurors  in  their  theoretical 
basis  but  not  troubled  by  conscience  as  they 
were,  were  the  "High  Fliers."1  Though 
Churchmen  they  were  first  and  foremost  poli- 
ticians. Girt  in  the  doctrines  of  passive 
obedience  and  divine  right,  and  brandishing 
their   infallible   weapon   "  The   Church    is    in 

1  The  name  is  often  used  by  Oldmixon. 


QUEEN    ANNE    IN    ENGLISH    CHURCH    HISTORY     21 

Danger,"  they  bore  down  on  the  body  of  the 
clergy,  and  under  cover  of  the  adulation  they 
showered  upon  Anne  tried  to  bring  about  the 
Pretender's  return.  Their  chiet  fear  was  not 
for  the  Church's  danger,  but  for  the  Whig 
supremacy  which  they  suspected  the  Hano- 
verian succession  would  inaugurate.  Through 
their  clever  party  tactics,  and  by  a  happy 
combination  of  enthusiasm  and  fortune,  they 
took  the  Church  with  them  along  a  road 
marked  by  such  milestones  as  the  Occasional 
Conformity  Bill  of  1702-1703-1705,  "The 
Church  in  Danger"  debate  of  1705,  the  trial 
of  Dr.  Sacheverell,  the  elections  of  1710,  the 
Occasional  Conformity  Act  of  1713,  and  the 
Schism  Act  of  1714.  But  though  the  Church 
would  follow  Harley  and  Swift  it  would  not 
follow  Bolingbroke  and  Atterbury.  The  High 
Fliers  struggled  hard  for  power,  gained  the 
perilous  heights  of  1710-14,  and  because  of 
the  great  height,  came  the  greater  fall. 

The  other  distinct  party  of  the  clergy  were 
equally  extreme.  They  were  the  Whigs  or 
the  Low  Church  party.  Their  interests  were 
bound  up  in  the  Hanoverian  succession,  and 
their  political  principles  were  the  formulated 


22  THE    IMPORTANCE    OF   THE    REIGN    OF 

principles  of  the  Revolution.1  The  troubles 
of  the  Revolution,  and  the  great  emphasis 
laid  on  Protestantism  during  that  time,  led 
them  to  a  Catholicity  of  Protestant  feeling 
which  made  them  desirous  of  widening  the 
doors  of  the  Church  of  England,  or  of  effect- 
ing "  rapprochements "  with  Protestants 
abroad.2 

The  bias  of  these  two  parties  of  extremists 
was  towards  political  affairs  rather  than  to- 
wards ecclesiastical.  Though  they  were  to  a 
certain  extent  leaders  of  the  Church's  two 
main  ways  of  thought,  they  were  not  followed 
in  an  entirety.  Rebellions  from  the  autocracy 
and  headstrong  recklessness  of  party  leaders 
weie  common  during  the  reign,  and  much 
controversy  and  intrigue  of  the  politico-eccle- 
siastical history  can  be  thus  grouped.  The 
intrinsic  value  of  such  rebellions  is  not  often 
of  great  value  except  in  so  far  as  pointing  to 
the  growth  of  power  of  the  moderate  feeling 

1  Burke,  Appeal  from  the  New  to  the  Old  Whigs,  Works,  Vol. 
iv.  (1852).  The  trial  of  Sacheverell  was  a  vindication  of  these 
principles. 

2  Burnet  says  that  what  his  enemies  most  resented  was 
that  "I  had  not  carried  the  Church  power  higher,  that  I  had 
owned  the  foreign  Protestant  Churches  to  be  true  Churches." 
Life,  by  Clarke  and  Foxcroft,  p.  368. 


QUEEN    ANNE    IN    ENGLISH    CHURCH    HISTORY     23 

in  the  country.  For  the  permanent  can  only 
spring  from  the  deep-rooted,  and  this  alone 
is  important  in  a  period.  Though  there  is 
much  that  is  important  in  the  strife  between 
the  High  Church  and  the  Low  Church  parties 
for  power,  yet  the  greater  importance  lies  in 
reasons  of  the  High  Church  triumph  and  in 
the  analysis  of  its  failure  even  when  joined  by 
the  potential  movement  of  Evangelicalism. 

The  accession  of  Queen  Anne  was  hailed 
by  the  leaders  of  the  High  Church  party  with 
great  delight,  and  public  opinion  eagerly  con- 
firmed their  joy.  "  The  High  Church  party 
soon  grew  triumphant  and  thought  of  nothing 
less  than  carrying  all  before  them,"1  and  their 
elation  was  copied  by  the  mob  who  in  various 
places  in  the  country  showed  its  piety  by 
pulling  down  the  meeting-houses.2 

Anne's  ancestry  was  sufficient  guarantee  for 
her  orthodoxy,  and  her  education  had  further 
confirmed  and  trained  her  natural  tendencies.8 
The  first  speeches  she  made  to  Parliament 
plainly  showed  her  interest.     "My  own  princi- 

1  Calamy's  Life,  Vol.  11.,  p.  460  (Ed.  1829). 

2  This  became  the  ordinary  form  of  demonstration  of  Tory 
feeling.     See  Addison,  Spectator  and  Calamy's  Abridgement. 

8  She  was  educated  by  Bishop  Compton. 


24  THE    IMPORTANCE   OF   THE    REIGN    OF 

pies  must  always  keep  me  firm  to  the  interests 
of  the  religion  of  the  Church  of  England,  and 
will  incline  me  to  countenance  those  who  have 
the  truest  zeal  to  support  it."1  She  was  a 
fitting  person  to  receive  Tory  and  High 
Church  flattery,  and  was  willing  to  occupy 
docilely  their  pedestal,  waiting  for  any  mon- 
arch who  would  agree  with  their  theories. 
M  Her  heart,"  she  said,  "was  entirely  Eng- 
lish,"2 an  expression  which  was  thought  to 
reflect  on  the  late  King.3  She  managed  during 
her  reign  by  her  sympathy  and  favour  to  the 
Church  to  make  her  people  believe  in  her 
boast.  She  was  a  dull,  easily  led  person,  but 
possessed  obstinately  of  certain  principles,  of 
which  her  love  for  the  Church  was  the  chief. 
She  was  a  regular  communicant  and  attender 
at  church,  it  being  a  matter  for  surprise  when 
she  absented  herself.4  She  kept  a  watchful 
eye  over  preferments,  and  one  of  her  first 
acts  was  to  dissolve  the  Whig  Commission  of 
Bishops  appointed  by  William  to  look  after 

i  Parliamentary  History,  Vol.  vi.,  p.  25. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  5. 

3  Burnet,  History  of  his  own  Times  (Ed.  1833),  Vol.  vi.,  p.  3. 

4  Swift,  in  his  journal  to  Stella,  mentions  every  time  the 
Queen  is  not  at  chapel. 


QUEEN    ANNE    IN    ENGLISH    CHURCH    HISTORY     25 

preferments.1  "  'Tis  said  that  her  Majesty 
will  herself  dispose  of  all  ecclesiastical  prefer- 
ments belonging  to  the  crown  as  they  become 
vacant."2 

Her  care  for  the  Church  was  very  real,  and 
took  a  lasting  and  material  shape  in  her  grant- 
ing the  revenues  arising  out  of  the  first  fruits 
and  tenths  for  the  purpose  of  augmenting  the 
benefices  of  the  poorer  clergy.  "We  are  justly 
sensible,"  the  Commons  had  said,  "  of  your 
Majesty's  unparalleled  goodness."3  Anne  was 
pleased  to  call  the  Tory  party  the  Church 
party,4  and  though  she  distrusted  the  extrem- 
ists who  would  have  preferred  her  half-brother, 
and  though  there  was  never  a  definite  court 
interest  during  the  reign,  yet  Anne's  attach- 
ment to  the  Church  was  sufficiently  strong  to 
warrant  the  clergy's  attitude  when  her  ear  was 
possessed  by  a  Whig  Ministry.  "The  clergy 
took  great  pains  to  infuse  into  all  people  tragi- 
cal apprehensions  of  the  danger  the  Church 
was  in  .  .  .  Books  were  writ  and  dispersed 
over  the  nation  with  great  industry  to  possess 

1  Burnet,  History  of  his  own  Times,  Vol.  vi.,  p.  17. 

2  Luttrell,  Diary,  Vol.  v.,  p.  157. 

3  Parliamentary  History,  Vol.  v.,  328-30. 

4  Conduct  of  the  Duchess  of  Marlborough,  p.  124. 

c 


26  THE   IMPORTANCE   OF   THE   REIGN    OF 

all  people  with  the  apprehension  that  the 
Church  was  to  be  given  up,  that  the  bishops 
were  betraying  it."1  That  was  in  1705,  and 
1 7 10  Burnet  again  wrote  "  The  clergy  pressed 
the  people  to  show  on  this  great  occasion  their 
zeal  for  the  Church,  and  now  or  never  to  save 
it ;  they  also  told  them  in  what  ill  the  Queen 
had  been  kept,  as  in  captivity,  and  that  it  was 
a  charity,  as  well  as  their  duty,  to  free  her 
from  the  power  the  late  Ministry  exercised 
over  her."2 

Despite  Anne's  predilections  and  the  energy 
and  zeal  of  the  clergy,  the  rise  of  the  High 
Church  party  to  power  was  a  difficult  uphill 
task.  Against  High  Church  enthusiasm  was 
to  be  placed  the  wonderful  series  of  successes 
the  allied  arms  had  achieved  under  Marl- 
borough.3 The  Tories,  as  the  peace  party, 
fell  into  discredit.  They  were  not  trusted  by 
the  allies,  as  they  were  justly  suspected  ot 
being  friends  to  France.4     Their  attitude  to- 

1  Burnet,  History  of  his  own  Times,  Vol.  v.,  p.  222. 

2  Ibid.,  Vol.  vi.,  p.  16. 

3  Oldmixon,  History  of  England  under  the  Stuarts,  Vol.  11., 
p.  293. 

*  Ibid.,  p.  275.  The  friendship  of  the  French  Kings  to 
Charles  I.  and  Charles  II.  was  at  the  bottom  of  these 
suspicions. 


QUEEN    ANNE    IN    ENGLISH    CHURCH    HISTORY     2J 

wards  the  war  alienated  Marlborough  and 
Godolphin,  hitherto  ranked  as  Tories,  and  as 
most  people  thought  with  Oldmixon  that 
"  the  Duke's  victories  were  the  greatest  and 
most  glorious  that  ever  were  obtained  by  the 
English  arms  abroad,"1  and  as  they  "  were 
everywhere  expressing  their  joy " 2  public 
opinion  became  decidedly  Whig.  The  war 
was  the  dominant  interest.  The  country  was 
not  concerned  with  keeping  a  Whig  or  Tory 
Ministry  in  power.  Its  sole  care  was  for  keep- 
ing a  Ministry  in  office  which  would  support 
Marlborough.  It  was  not  till  Marlborough's 
influence  with  the  Queen  was  lessening,  and 
the  country  was  thoroughly  alarmed  at  the 
ruinous  expenses  of  the  war3-  that  the  bas- 
motifs  of  the  Tory  party,  the  doctrines  of 
High  Church  and  the  cry  of  "  The  Church  in 
Danger"  began  to  be  heard  above  the  intoxica- 
ting blare  of  the  war  trumpets.  "  Six  millions 
of  supplies  and  almost  fifty  millions  of  debt," 
wrote  Swift,  "  the  High  Allies  have  been  the 

1  Oldmixon,  History  of  England  under  the  Stuarts,  Vol.  n., 
p.  344.  2  ibid.,  p.  342. 

3  Swift's  pamphlet,  The  Conduct  of  the  Allies,  advocated 
peace  on  the  grounds  of  the  ruinous  expense,  and  of  the  war 
only  benefitting  the  Allies. 


28      THE  IMPORTANCE  OF  THE  REIGN  OF 

death  of  us."  l  These  unmistakable  signs  of 
revulsion  to  the  war  were  eagerly  noticed  by 
Harley,  and  were  through  Abigail  Masham 
carefully  communicated  to  the  Queen.  It  was 
only  when  Anne  was  sure  that  the  country  had 
started  on  the  backward  swing  of  the  pendelum 
that  she  dared  act  directly  against  the  Whig 
interest,  against  Marlborough  and  his  hector- 
ing wife.  The  appointment  of  the  two  Tory 
bishops  at  the  close  of  1706  was  an  augury  of 
the  coming  change.2  Marlborough's  influence, 
though  definitely  on  the  decline,  was  still 
powerful  enough  to  purge  the  Ministry  in 
February,  1708,  of  Harley  and  St.  John, 
whom  he  justly  suspected  of  being  at  the  bot- 
tom of  Anne's  unwonted  independence.3  The 
Duke  renewed  the  war  in  the  Netherlands 
and  decked  himself  further  with  the  doubtful 
glories  of  the  victory  of  Malplaquet.  Harley, 
though  no  longer  in  office,  still  kept  the  con- 
fidence of  the  Queen,  by  means  of  the  back 
door  influence  of  Mrs.  Masham.  The  High 
Church   interest    had    suffered    a   temporary 

1  Quoted  by  J.  R.  Green,  Short  History  of  the  English  People, 
p.  718. 

2  Burnet,  History  of  his  own  Times,  Vol.  v.,  p.  335. 

3  See  Roscoe,  Life  of  Harley,  and  Leadam,  Political  History, 
p.  125. 


QUEEN   ANNE   IN    ENGLISH    CHURCH    HISTORY     2Q 

rebuff,  but  it  was  still  the  coming  force  in  the 
country. 

In  April,  1709,  the  Duchess  of  Marlborough 
was  finally  supplanted  in  the  Queen's  favour 
by  Mrs.  Masham.  Anne's  judgment  was  always 
dictated  by  the  possessor  of  her  ear,  and  now 
her  affection  for  the  Church  could  be  freely 
played  upon.  The  country,  too,  was  seething 
with  unrest.  The  long  ascendancyof  the  Whigs, 
their  ruinous  war  policy,  their  realisation  of 
the  Union  with  Scotland,1  had  produced  an 
uneasy  feeling  of  suspicion  and  dissatisfaction.2 
These  feelings  were  carefully  educated  by  the 
clergy,  for  the  power  of  the  pulpit  was  great. 
"In  the  character  of  pastors  and  teachers  you 
have  an  almost  irresistible  power  over  us  of 
your  congregations  ....  circumstances  of 
education  and  fortune  place  the  minds  of  the 
people,  from  age  to  age,  under  your  direc- 
tion."3    This  power  was  used  almost  entirely 

1  The  Union  was  said  to  endanger  the  Church  of  England 
by  the  introduction  of  Presbyterians  into  Parliament,  and  an 
Act  for  the  security  of  the  Church  was  passed  (Parliamentary 
Debates,  Vol.  iv.,  p.  480,  Ed.  1741).  For  an  answer  to  these 
fears  see  Somers,  Tracts  XII.,  pp.  510  and  519. 

3  The  Moderate  Tory  view  is  well  seen  in  a  pamphlet 
attributed  to  Harley,  Faults  on  both  sides  (1710). 

8  Steele,-  The  Crisis,  p.  1  (1713). 


30      THE  IMPORTANCE  OF  THE  REIGN  OF 

for  the  Tories.  The  favourite  theme  was  the 
peril  the  Established  Church  was  in,  and  it  was 
illustrated  by  practically  the  whole  of  Whig 
legislation  and  tendencies.  The  Tory  concep- 
tion of  the  Church  and  State  being  commen- 
surate was  opposed  to  the  Latitudinarianism 
of  the  Whigs.  The  relations  which  the  Low 
Church  Churchmen  sought  to  establish  with 
the  Dissenters  and  with  Foreign  Protestants 
were  viewed  with  horror  by  the  upholders  of 
absolution.1 

Sermons  were  supplemented  by  a  rapid  flow 
of  inflammatory  and  embittered  pamphlets.2 
The  height  of  Tory  and  Church  indignation 
was  reached  in  SacheverelPs  famous  sermon 
preached  in  St.  PauPs  on  the  5th  of  Novem- 
ber, 1709.  A  personal  allusion  to  Godolphin, 
which  it  contained,  rather  than  its  fanaticism 
and  unmeasured  abuse,  provoked  the  subse- 
quent and  ill-advised  trial.  "  The  foolish  prose- 
cution of  Sacheverell  carried  party  rage  to  the 


1  Overton,  Life  in  the  English  Church,  pp.  348-352.  Burnet 
was  always  interested  in  these  movements,  History  of  his  own 
Times,  Vol.  v.,  p.  328. 

a  See,  for  instance,  the  effect  of  Dr.  Drake's  pamphlet,  The 
Memorial  of  the  Church  of  England. 


QUEEN   ANNE   IN   ENGLISH   CHURCH   HISTORY     31 

height,"1  Bolingbroke  afterwards  wrote.  High 
Church  fanaticism  swept  the  country,  and 
Somers'  prophecy  that  the  trial  was  likely  to 
end  in  the  ruin  of  the  Whig  party  was  amply 
fulfilled.2 

In  August,  1710,  Godolphin  was  dismissed 
and  Harley  received  office.  His  moderateness 
was  swallowed  up  in  the  swirl  of  the  high  tide 
of  Tory  feeling.  He  wished  for  some  kind  of 
coalition  government,  and  did  not  desire  the 
Tories  to  be  too  numerous.3  But  "  the  fer- 
ment raised  by  Dr.  SacheverelPs  trial  .  .  . 
being  industriously  fomented  and  propagated 
throughout  the  kingdom  in  order  to  influence 
elections"4  carried  all  before  it.  The  Tories 
were  returned  by  a  great  majority,  and  the 
political  influence  of  the  Church  reached  its 
zenith.5 

These  are  the  main  outlines  of  the  politico- 
ecclesiastical  history  of  the  first  period. 
Their  chief  importance  lies  not  so  much  in 

1  Bolingbroke,  State  of  Parties  at  the  Accession  of  George  I. 
(Pollard's  Political  Pamphlets),  p.  178. 

*  Swift,  History  of  the  last  four  years  of  the  Reign  of  Queen 
Anne,  Vol.  vi.,  p.  31  (Edition,  1808). 

*  Swift,  Journal  to  Stella,  Works,  ed.  Sheridan  and  Nichol, 
Vol.  xiv.,  p.  245. 

4  Parliamentary  History,  Vol.  vi.,  p.  916. 

*  Perry,  History  of  the  Church  of  England,  Vol.  n.f  p.  577. 


32  THE   IMPORTANCE   OF   THE    REIGN    OF 

the  fact  of  the  triumph  of  one  party  as  in  the 
.  reasons  underlying  this  triumph.  On  the  sur- 
face the  great  political  influence  of  the  Church 
seems  all  important,  but  this  great  political 
(  influence  owes  its  existence  to  basic  reasons, 
more  permanent  and  therefore  more  import- 
ant. The  Church  was  bound  up  too  intimately 
with  politics ;  its  greatest  media  of  expression 
were  found  in  political  life.  This  expression 
is  however  limited,  its  seeming  breadth  and 
depth  of  interest  are  really  narrow.  The  chief 
note  appears  at  first  hearing  to  be  the  surging 
dominance  of  the  triumph  of  a  political  party 
•  with  its  main  interests  ecclesiastical.  This  is 
far  from  being  true. 

The  two  extremist  parties,  fundamentally 
antagonistic,  were  dependent  on  the  main 
body  of  public  opinion.  Success  in  the  politi- 
cal world  could  only  be  obtained  through  the 
adherence  of  this  main  element.  While  this 
body  was  on  the  whole  Tory,  and  loyally 
,  Church,  it  was  far  from  being  of  the  nature  of 
either  of  its  impassioned  leaders.  The  Low 
Churchmen  had  always  to  recognise  the  fact 
of  their  being  alienated  from  the  nucleus,  but 
their  strong  and  continual  attempts  to  capture 


QUEEN   ANNE   IN    ENGLISH   CHURCH    HISTORY     33 

it  demonstrate  clearly  that  it  was  equally 
alienated  from  the  High  Fliers.  The  opinion 
of  sober-minded  men  was  the  sole  referendum 
of  both  parties.  It  was  because  the  appeal  of 
the  High  Fliers  to  the  people  was  successful 
that  the  elections  of  1710  resulted  in  a  Tory 
victory.  The  links  of  sympathy  are  to  be 
found  in  the  similarity  of  attitude  adopted  by 
both  to  the  two  main  movements  of  the  day. 
Toleration  was  rejected  by  both,  and  the 
Evangelical  movement  became  the  spiritual 
support  of  the  Church. 

II. 
By  accepting  the  Revolution  the  Church 
was  unwillingly  forced  to  acquiese  in  the  con- 
sequent measures  towards  Toleration.  The 
common  danger  Protestantism  had  suffered 
from  James's  designs  had  emphasised  the 
bond  of  union  between  the  Dissenters  and 
the  Church.1  Both  could  and  did  join  in 
hating  Roman  Catholicism.  It  was  plain  that 
some  different  treatment  should  be  meted 
out  to  Dissenters  from  that  given  to  Roman 
Catholics.    This  had  been  ungraciously  recog- 

1  Macaulay,  History  of  England,  Vol.  n.,  p.  219  (Ed.  1850).  • 


34     THE  IMPORTANCE  OF  THE  REIGN  OF 

nised  by  William's  Toleration  Act.  Though 
the  measure  was  introduced  by  a  Tory  and 
jealous  Churchman1  it  was  not  popular  with 
the  Church.  When  the  panic  raised  in  1688 
died  down,  the  Act  was  openly  regretted,  and 
the  comprehension  which  would  in  some 
degree  have  completed  its  work  was  dropped. 
Churchmen  of  the  seventeenth  century  could 
not  be  convinced  that  it  was  possible  for  a 
man  to  be  a  bad  Churchman  yet  a  good 
citizen.  The  interests  of  Church  and  State 
were  thought  to  be  identical.  Any  proposals 
of  toleration  had  always  been  checked  by  the 
belief  that  it  was  unsafe  to  entrust  any  part 
of  the  government  of  the  State,  central  or 
local,  to  non-members  of  the  Church.2  This 
feeling  was  at  the  core  of  the  political  theory 
of  the  Tory  party.  Laud  and  Charles  I.  were 
in  some  sense  its  martyrs,  and  Charles  II. 
had  returned  with  a  tacit  recognition  of  its 
impossibility.  But  the  Declaration  of  Breda 
had  been  followed  by  the  Clarendon   Code. 

1  Shaftesbury,  Clarke  and  Foxcroft's  Life  and  Letters  of  the 
Marquis  of  Halifax,  Vol.  II.,  pp.  366-378;  "Letters  to  a  Dis- 
senter"; and  "Anatomy  of  an  Equivalent,"  pp.  426-446. 

2  See  "The  Case  of  Dissenters,  etc.",  by  a  Gentleman 
(1703),  in  Somers  Tracts,  Vol.  xn.,  p.  227. 


QUEEN   ANNE   IN    ENGLISH    CHURCH    HISTORY    35 

Charles  II. 's  easy  indifference  had  permitted 
this  view  to  be  once  more  put  upon  the 
Statute  Book.  The  Revolution  and  the  Whig 
leaders — inspired  by  William — endeavoured 
their  best  to  mitigate  it  somewhat. 

The  accession  of  Anne  seemed  to  the 
Church  to  be  a  pledge  that  all  unclean  con- 
nection with  Dissent  would  cease.  The 
Church  would  at  last  be  able  to  assert  trium- 
phantly its  true  position ;  the  obnoxious 
Tolerance  would  at  last  be  divorced  from 
Church  policy.  Theoretically,  the  Church 
might  recognise  some  difference  between  the 
Protestant  Dissenter  and  the  Papist,1  yet 
practically  it  was  a  dangerous  thing  to  do. 
To  this  fear  was  added  revulsion  felt  at  the 
horrible  profanation  caused  by  the  Test  Act. 
By  Occasional  Conformity,  Dissenters  could 
qualify  themselves  for  office.  Communion 
was  taken  by  them  "  not  from  piety  but  em- 
ployments."2 It  was  unfortunate  for  Dissent 
that  there  was  much  truth  in  the  cry  raised, 
but   that   really  mattered   little.      The   main 

1  See  the  speeches  of  Tories  in  the  House  on  the  Occa- 
sional Conformity  Bill. 
*  Swift,  Journal  to  Stella,  Works,  Vol.  xv.,  p.  188. 


36  THE    IMPORTANCE    OF   THE    REIGN    OF 

body  of  the  Church,  except  for  the  few  en- 
lightened spirits,  was  definitely  set  against 
Toleration.  It  was  an  attitude  of  mind 
necessary  to  the  establishment  of  a  hierarchy 
— and  it  was  an  attitude  of  mind  produced 
by  a  dull,  faithful  and  rather  stupid  love  for 
the  Church.1 

The  attempt  of  the  Church  to  smother 
Dissent  took  the  shape  of  the  Occasional 
Conformity  Bill.  The  preamble  to  the  Bill 
stated  the  principle  of  the  co-extensiveness 
of  Church  and  State  in  no  indefinite  terms, 
and  the  doctrine  was  reiterated  equally  clearly 
in  the  House  of  Commons.  "  That  the  intent 
of  this  Bill  for  preventing  Occasional  Con- 
formity is  only  to  restrain,  to  put  a  stop  to,  a 
very  scandalous  practice,  which,  as  a  reproach 
to  religion,  gives  offence  to  all  good  Chris- 
tians"2 was  merely  a  nominal  reason  was 
generally  recognised.  Other  reasons  were  put 
forward  as  being  at  the  bottom  of  the  Bill. 
It  was  thought  "to  be  a  measure  to  raise 
such  quarrels  and  distractions  among  us  as 
would  so  embroil  us  at  home,  that  our  allies 

1  SachevcrelVs  Sermon,  p.  15. 

2  Parliamentary  History,  Vol.  vi.,  p.  73. 


QUEEN    ANNE    IN    ENGLISH    CHURCH    HISTORY     37 

might  see  they  could  not  depend  on  us,"1  to 
be  "  without  further  design  than  to  expose  the 
Dissenters  and  show  what  rogues  they  were."2 
Whig  partisans  said  that  it  proceeded  from 
the  hatred  the  High  Church  party  bore  the 
Dissenters  for  their  zeal  for  the  Protestant 
succession.8  Serious  minded  men  were  actu- 
ated probably  by  the  argument  that  it  was 
a  Bill  "to  prevent  hypocrisy,"4  and  that  the 
very  existence  of  the  National  Church  was  in 
peril  when  its  chief  bulwark,  the  Sacramental 
Test,  was  rendered  ineffective.5  But  most 
people  were  led  by  a  lingering,  long-hidden 
sense  of  revenge,  which  was  most  attractively 
expressed  in  the  general  desire  to  exalt  the 
Church  and  to  guard  her  from  all  attacks, 
open  or  insidious.  De  Foe's  pamphlet — The 
Shortest  Way  with  the  Dissenters  —  was  inter- 
preted and  considered  as  excellent  advice  by 
many,  his  satire  was  dangerously  true. 

While  this  was  the  attitude  of  the  majority 

1  Burnet,  History  of  His  Own  Times,  Vol.  v.,  p.  52. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  49,  Dartmouth's  Note. 

3  Oldmixon,  p.  296. 

i  Parliamentary  History,  Vol.  VI.,  p.  52. 

5  Nicholson,  Letters  on  Various  Subjects,  Sect.  9,  p.  473  (1717), 
and  Swift,  Letters  Concerning  the  Sacramental  Test,  Works, 
Vol.  in.,  p.  139  (1708). 


38  THE   IMPORTANCE   OF  THE   REIGN   OF 

it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  Toleration  and 
the  ideas  held  about  it  progressed  considerably. 
The  mass  of  the  people  reluctantly  gave  up 
the  thought  of  granting  Toleration  to  the  Dis- 
senters at  the  call  of  the  High  Church  leaders. 
They  lent  too  ready  an  ear  to  the  alarmists 
because  their  horror  at  the  suggested  profan- 
ation of  the  Sacrament  was  real.  But  the 
levelling  influences  of  daily  life  had  brought 
them  to  regard  the  Dissenters  with  kindlier 
feelings  than  did  their  leaders.  A  speech  of 
the  Queen  early  in  the  reign  expressed  this 
attitude  well.  "  I  hope,"  she  had  said,  "  that 
such  of  my  subjects  as  have  the  misfortune  to 
dissent  from  the  Church  of  England  will  rest 
secure  and  satisfied  in  the  Act  of  Toleration."1 
Excluding  the  periodical  ebullitions  of  High 
Church  fanaticism,  Dissent  and  Establishment 
had  followed  this  cue  and  lived  together  on 
very  good  terms.  Presbyterianism,  the  most 
influential  of  Dissenting  bodies,  was  fervently 
loyal  and  represented  no  great  difference  of 
doctrine.2     Communion   had   been   taken    by 

1  Parliamentary  History,  Vol.  vi.,  p.  144. 

2  For   Presbyterians   see   Nottingham's   Memorial    of   the 
State  of  England,  1705,  in  Somers  Tracts,  Vol.  XI?.,  pp.  539-545- 


QUEEN    ANNE    IN    ENGLISH    CHURCH    HISTORY     39 

Presbyterians  and  members  of  other  bodies 
at  the  parish  church,1  and  the  basis  of  estab- 
lishment had  been  considerably  broadened. 
This  had  been  going  on  ever  since  1662, 
directed  by  "some  of  the  most  eminent  of 
our  ministers  with  a  design  to  show  their 
charity  towards  that  Church  (of  England), 
notwithstanding  they  apprehended  themselves 
bound  in  conscience  ordinarily  to  separate 
from  it."2  The  Church  was  strengthened  in 
proportion  as  Nonconformity  was  weakened. 
This  was  widely  recognised,  and  in  both  the 
Houses  of  Parliament  and  in  the  country  at 
large  the  advantages  of  Toleration  were 
praised.  "  The  Toleration  hath  had  such 
visible  and  good  effects,  hath  contributed  so 
much  to  the  security  and  reputation  of  the 
Church  of  England,  and  produced  so  good 
a  temper  amongst  the  Dissenters  that  the 
Lords  are  unwilling  to  give  the  least  dis- 
credit to  that  Act,  being  sensible  that  liberty 
of  conscience  and  gentle  measures  are  most 
proper  and  have  been  most  effectual  towards 

1  See  Nottingham's  Memorial  of  the  State  of  England,  1705, 
in  Somers  Tracts,  Vol.  xn.,  p.  553. 

2  Calamy's  Life,  Vol.  1.,  p.  473. 


40  THE    IMPORTANCE    OF   THE    REIGN    OF 

increasing   the   Church   and   diminishing   the 
number  of  Dissenters."  ' 

Before  this  body  of  opinion  the  Occasional 
Conformity  Bill  succumbed.  The  High  Fliers 
made  great  efforts  to  force  the  Lords  to  pass 
it.  Their  last  attempt  was  to  try  and  tack  it 
to  a  Money  Bill.  They  were  forced  to  with- 
draw the  measure,  for  the  influence  of  Marl- 
borough in  1705  was  omnipotent,  and  he  had 
declared  no  mercy  to  the  supporters  of  "  the 
tack."2  The  Tories  incurred  much  discredit 
by  their  relentless  hostility  to  the  Dissenters. 
Toleration  slowly  gained  ground  with  the 
gradual  transformation  of  the  Tory  Ministry 
of  Anne's  first  Parliament  to  the  Whig  Minis- 
try she  dissolved  in  1710.  But  the  more 
Toleration  was  identified  with  the  Whig  party 
the  more  it  fell  into  public  disfavour.  It  sup- 
plied a  forcible  argument  to  the  cry,  "  The 
Church  in  Danger,"  and  it  became  the  most 
unpopular  of  a  series  of  unpopular  policies. 
When  the  High  Church  party  was  returned  to 
power  it  revenged  the  defeat  it  had  formerly 
suffered,  and  passed  the  Occasional  Conform- 

1  Parliamentary  History,  Vol.  vi.,  pp.  77-8. 

2  Cambridge  Modem  History,  Vol.  v.,  p.  464. 


QUEEN   ANNE    IN   ENGLISH   CHURCH   HISTORY    41 

ity  Act  of  171 1  and  the  Schism  Act  of  1713. 
Toleration  was  rejected  by  the  hierarchical 
High  Fliers,  but  it  was  not  dead.  It  lived  in 
a  dormant  state  in  the  moderate  portion  of 
the  Church,  but  when  the  position  of  1710-14 
became  untenable,  Toleration  once  more 
flourished.  Under  the  influence  of  Rational- 
ism Toleration  relapsed  into  the  quietism  and 
unenlightened  indifference  of  the  eighteenth 
century. 


III. 

The  chief  strength  of  the  High  Church 
position  lay  in  its  democratical  nature.  The 
age  of  Anne  witnessed  a  spiritual  revival, 
which  in  combination  with  the  political  activi- 
ties of  the  Church  was  all  powerful.  The 
moderate  portion  of  the  Church,  distinct  from 
both  parties,  was  occupied  in  the  Evangelical 
movement,  an  activity  at  first  alien  to  the 
main  activities  in  the  Church,  but  afterwards 
swept  up  in  them,  wholly  incorporated  and 
reinvigorated.  Synchronous  with  all  the  "  un- 
seemly wrangling"1  of  the  reigns  of  William 

1  Hutton,  History  of  English  Church,  p.  304. 

D 


42  THE   IMPORTANCE   OF  THE   REIGN   OF 

and  of  Anne  there  was  an  earnest  attempt  to 
vivify  religion,  to  bring  it  in  touch  with  men 
and  affairs,  and  to  try  to  lessen  the  reproach 
offered  by  the  many  obvious  gaps  in  the 
Church's  work.  The  attempt  was  made  at 
first  independent  of  the  battles  of  the  High 
Church  and  Low  Church  parties.  The  all- 
pervading  desire  for  the  exaltation  of  the 
Church,  which  characterised  the  High  Church- 
men, and  the  desire  for  true  religion  in  the 
Church,  which  characterised  the  Evangelists, 
soon  became  identified.  Evangelicalism 
balanced  fanaticism,  and  became  the  main 
support  of  the  High  Church  party. 

The  origins  and  antecedents  of  the  Evan- 
gelical movement  can  be  traced  far  back.  In 
a  sense  it  is  a  child  of  Puritanism,  and  its 
history  can  be  made  co-terminous  with  that 
movement.  But  in  the  form  with  which  it  has 
to  be  dealt  with  here  it  is  a  distinct  product  of 
the  Revolution.  "It  is  certain  that  a  vigorous 
moral  reaction  within,  accompanied  that  ex- 
terior dynastic  revolution."  *  The  form  which 
the  reaction  took  was  dictated  by  previous 
and  similar  efforts.    In  the  reign  of  Charles  II. 

1  Mark  Pattison,  Essays,  Vol.  n.  p.  311. 


QUEEN   ANNE   IN    ENGLISH    CHURCH    HISTORY    43 

societies  of  young  men  had  clustered  round 
the  ministry  of  some  eminent  divine.1  / 

1  These  societies  stood  as  a  reproach  to  the 
moral  depravity  which  had  been  shamelessly 
flaunted  before  the  country  by  the  court  of  the 
restored  King.  This  influence  for  evil  did  not 
penetrate  far ;  it  was  superficial  for  the  most 
part,  and  takes  its  most  enduring  form  in  the 
drama  of  the  age.  But  it  wasi  scandalous  and 
public.  The  indignation  and  disgust  roused 
by  the  prevalence  of  vice  in  high  places, 
coupled  with  the  fear  and  alarm  consequent 
on  the  discoveries  of  Titus  Oates,  were  the 
immediate  causes  of  the  societies,  which  came 
into  existence  somewhere  about  1678.2  Their 
object  was  mutual  edification  and  help  in  de- 
votion and  works  of  piety.  They  survived 
through  the  perilous  times  of  James  II.  by 
remaining  in  quiet  and  silence.  By  Anne's 
reign,  though  they  had  degenerated  into  mere 
Church  societies,  they  had  outlived  the  pre- 
judices they  had  at  first  suffered  from,  and 

1  Burnet,  History  of  his  own  Times,  Vol.  vi.,  p.  17,  and  Wood- 
ward, Account  of  the  Religious  Societies,  p.  75  (1701). 

2  Burnet  says  that  formerly  such  organisations  were  only  run 
by  Dissenters,  and  originated  from  fear  of  Popery  (History  of 
his  own  Times,  Vol.  vi.,  p.  18). 


44      THE  IMPORTANCE  OF  THE  REIGN  OF 

they  could  count  on  the  support  of  the  leaders 
of  the  churches  and  of  most  of  the  men  of 
piety  in  that  age. 

These  societies  are  clearly  indicative  that 
zeal  for  reform  and  desire  to  make  religion 
real  were  not  wanting  in  the  Church.  They 
represent,  however,  individual  effort,  and,  in  a 
sense,  selfish  effort.  It  is  a  distinct  step  in 
advance  when  philanthropy  becomes  an  actu- 
ating motive  of  organisation.  The  formation 
of  societies  for  the  Reformation  of  Manners 
shows  the  result  of  the  good  the  preparatory 
religious  associations  had  done,  and  also  the 
acuter  recognition  of  obligations.  These 
societies  were  established  to  help  the  carrying 
out  of  the  proclamation  of  William  in  1692 
against  immorality  and  vice.1  They  wished 
to  bring  home  the  terror  of  the  law  to  evil 
doers. 

Their  authorities  for  action  were  Royal 
Proclamations,  Acts  of  Parliament  against 
profanity  and  impious  and  unclean  books, 
censures  and  representations  of  Convocations 
on  the  state  of  manners,  and  outspoken  attacks 

1  la  Wilkins'  Concilia,  Vol.  iv.,  pp.  615,  617,  626,  are  speci- 
mens of  other  proclamations. 


QUEEN   ANNE   IN    ENGLISH   CHURCH    HISTORY     45 

on  flagrant  immorality,  as  Jeremy  Collier's 
"  Short  view  of  the  Immorality  and  Profane- 
ness  of  the  English  Stage."  They  showed 
great  activity,  and  in  forty-two  years  of  exis- 
tence the  London  Branch  could  proudly  point 
to  the  prosecution  of  100,650  persons.1  The 
leaders  were  for  the  most  part  laymen,  yet  the 
society's  work  received  the  support  and  assis- 
tance of  many  of  the  eminent  clergy.2  The 
work  was  recommended  in  provincial  and 
diocesan  addresses,  and  branches  were  formed 
in  the  various  towns  and  additional  lectures 
were  established.  Dissent  as  well  as  Estab- 
lishment joined  in  this  matter  of  the  common 
weal.8  The  reports  of  the  main  society  are 
eloquent  of  the  extent  of  the  nature  of  the 
work  they  were  doing,  but  they  also  show  the 
weak  point  of  their  attack  on  the  current  cor- 
ruption of  manners. 

1  Report  of  the  London  Society  for  the  Reformation  of  Man- 
ners, 1736.  There  is  a  typical  case  in  Luttrell,  Vol.  vi.,  p.  102 : 
"The  Society  for  the  Reformation  of  Manners  have  brought 
an  indictment  against  twenty-four  actors  in  the  playhouse  for 
immorality  and  prophanesse  upon  which  they  are  to  be  tried 
this  term." 

1  Compton  published  in  1704  "Report  of  nth  Conference 
with  his  clergy,  held  in  the  years  1699  and  1700  upon  the  King's 
Proclamation  for  preventing  Immorality  and  Prophanesse." 

3  It  was  for  this  reason  that  they  were  condemned  by  Arch- 
bishop Sharp.     See  his  Life,  Vol.  1.,  pp.  174-183. 


46  THE   IMPORTANCE   OF   THE    REIGN   OF 

To  enforce  the  vigour  of  the  law  of  the 
country  against  vice  was  the  object  of  these 
societies ;  as  yet  there  had  been  few  attempts 
to  display  the  attractiveness  of  the  law  of  the 
Church.  Philanthropic  effort  was  as  yet  mis- 
guided and  to  a  great  extent  wasted.  In  the 
Society  for  the  Propagation  of  Christian 
Knowledge  there  were  combined  all  the  good 
intentions  of  previous  societies  with  a  distinctly 
new  object.  This  society  attempted  to  teach, 
to  educate,  and  to  edify.  The  guiding  spirit 
of  the  society  was  Dr.  Thomas  Bray,  whose 
personal  history  and  ambitions  are  an  essential 
part  of  the  philanthropic  efforts  of  the  reign. 

Dr.  Bray1  in  1696  had  been  appointed  Com- 
missary of  the  Bishop  of  London  in  Maryland. 
He  found  the  colonies  almost  destitute  of 
clergy,  and  without  provision  for  their  rapidly 
growing  needs.  In  selecting  assistants  he  was 
faced  with  the  additional  difficulty  that  many 
clergymen  were  too  poor  to  buy  the  books 
necessary  for  ordinary  study.  This  had  led 
him  to  form  an  association  for  founding  libra- 
ries. These  temporary  endeavours  took  a 
finished  and  permanent  form  in  the  new 
1  See  D.N.B. 


QUEEN   ANNE   IN   ENGLISH    CHURCH   HISTORY     47 

society.  The  society  first  met  on  March  8th, 
1699,  and  consisted  of  five  members,  of  whom 
four  were  laymen.1  Their  object  was  "  to 
meet  together  as  often  as  we  can  conveniently 
to  consult,  under  the  conduct  of  the  Divine 
providence  and  assistance,  how  we  may  be 
able  by  due  and  lawful  methods  to  promote 
Christian  Knowledge."2  These  methods  were 
the  establishment  of  charity  schools  and  the 
circulation  of  libraries  of  religious  books.  The 
first  object  was  doubtless  an  attempt  to  emu- 
late the  Dissenters,  who  were  much  ahead  of 
the  Church  in  educational  organisation.3  The 
second  object  and  the  third,  afterwards  added 
—  of  missionary  effort  —  were  the  favourite 
schemes  of  Bray. 

The  Charity  Schools  were  "  for  the  educa- 
tion of  poor  children  in  reading  and  writing, 
and  more  especially  in  the  principles  of  the 
Christian  religion."4  They  were  a  great  suc- 
cess, and  in  about  eight  years  nearly  five 
hundred  were  established.5     It  is  interesting 

1  Overton,  Life  in  English  Church,  p.  216. 

2  Secretan,  Life  and  Times  of  Nelson,  p.  100  (Ed.  i860). 

3  Lecky,  History  of  England,  Vol.  1.,  pp.  118,  119. 

4  History  of  the  S.P.C.K.,  1698-1898. 

5  Secretan,  Life  and  Times  of  Nelson,  pp.  1 18-134,  anc*  Overton, 
pp.  226-227. 


48      THE  IMPORTANCE  OF  THE  REIGN  OF 

to  recall  the  fact  that  in  Germany  almost  at 
the  same  time  August  Hermann  Francke 
was  starting  his  great  work  of  school  founda- 
tion and  improvement.1  The  English  move- 
ment was  a  great  source  of  strength  to  the 
Church.  Church  teaching  was  insisted  upon 
and  the  catechising  of  children  was  organised 
and  largely  adopted  by  the  clergy.2 

Through  the  influence  of  the  society  daily 
prayer  and  monthly  communions  were  ren- 
dered a  prominent  feature  of  Church  life. 
Tracts  were  distributed  and  the  problem  of 
the  navy's  religious  condition  seriously 
tackled.3  A  pleasing  feature  of  the  Society 
was  the  manner  in  which  it  sought  for  the 
counsels  of  all  parties.4  Non-jurors  and  sus- 
pected deists  sunk  their  differences  in  its 
work.      As    a    result    there    is    a    refreshing 

1  Special  Reports  on  Educational  Subjects,  Vol.  xx.,  p.  10, 
issued  by  Board  of  Education;  The  Teaching  of  Classics  in 
Secondary  Schools  in  Germany,  19 10. 

2  Burnet  frequently  conducted  the  catechising  of  Salisbury 
(Pattison,  Vol.  11.,  p.  236).  See  Luttrell,  vi.,  p.  309 — "This 
day  the  children  of  the  several  Charity  Schools  in  the  city 
and  suburbs,  all  new  clothed,  being  about  4,000,  went  to  St. 
Sepulchre's  Church,  where  Dr.  Mosse  preached  upon  the 
occasion." 

8  For  work  of  the  Society  see  Jubilee  Tract  of  1849. 
4  Overton,  p.  217. 


QUEEN   ANNE   IN    ENGLISH   CHURCH   HISTORY    49 

breadth  of  originality  about  the  designs  of 
the  society.  Insular  prejudices  were  under- 
mined by  its  willing  co-operation  with  foreign 
Protestants  working  towards  similar  ends.1 
"  The  reformation  of  manners  ...  so  good 
in  itself  and  so  necessary  for  the  welfare  of 
the  community,"2  made  great  progress  to- 
wards realisation. 

In  its  work  of  providing  missionaries  for  the 
colonies,  the  society  found  that  it  was  getting 
beyond  its  depth.  Missionary  effort  was  too 
great  for  its  limitations,  and  accordingly  on 
January  16th,  1701,  a  charter  was  granted 
incorporating  the  Society  for  the  Propagation 
of  the  Gospel  in  Foreign  Parts.  Its  promoters 
were  actuated  by  a  consideration  of  the  state 
of  the  lands  over  the  sea — u  by  their  want  of 
the  administration  of  God's  Word  and  Sacra- 
ments," and  by  "  their  abandonment  to 
atheism  and  infidelity."3  The  title  these 
men  adopted  was  no  new  one.  Cromwell 
and  Clarendon  had  both  used  a  similar  name 


1  Anderson,  History  of  the  Colonial  Church,  Vol.,  II.,  p.  409. 
8  Nelson,  Life,  of  Bull,  p.  312. 

8  See   Charter  of  the  Society,  p.   15;    collection   of  papers 
printed  by  order  of  the  S.P.G.  (1702). 


50     THE  IMPORTANCE  OF  THE  REIGN  OF 

for  societies  they  had  promoted.1  The  task 
they  proposed  to  attempt  called  for  imme- 
diate attention.  Religion  was  of  a  lax,  lifeless 
kind  in  the  colonies,  and  Christianity  had, 
with  few  exceptions,  never  been  preached  to 
the  heathen.  The  only  attempts  heretofore 
had  been  those  of  enterprising  Jesuits.  Pro- 
testantism seemed  a  delicate  plant  which 
refused  to  flower  outside  parts  of  Europe. 
The  pure  Church  of  England  seemed  to  defy 
attempts  of  transplantation.  Where  Christi- 
anity flourished  at  all  in  the  colonies  it  had 
taken  the  form  of  a  scattered,  tyrannical 
independency.  The  traditions  of  the  New 
England  Colonies  were  too  strong  and  divided 
to  view  the  propagation  of  the  Church  of 
Laud  with  any  favour.  Clergy  were  few — 
mostly  of  an  inferior  kind  and  altogether 
without  direction  or  guidance.2 

The  position  was  to  all  appearances  hope- 
less, but  the  enthusiasm  of  the  Evangelical 
movement  viewed  it  only  as  a  glorious  oppor- 

1  The  Society  for  the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel  among  the 
Indians  and  others  in  N.  America,  pp.  5  and  6  (1787- 1887)* 
Boston,  1887. 

2  Hawkins,  Historical  Notices  of  the  Missions  of  the  Church  of 
England  in  the  North  American  Colonies,  p.  166. 


QUEEN   ANNE   IN    ENGLISH   CHURCH    HISTORY     51 

tunity.  As  Archbishop  Laud1  had  been  the 
first  to  recognise  the  responsibility  of  the 
Church,  so  the  re-invigorated  Church  of 
Anne's  reign  made  the  first  sound  organised 
attempts  to  fulfil  her  obligations.  In  the 
interval  of  nearly  seventy  years  there  had 
been  a  considerable  amount  of  scattered  and 
individual  effort.  It  was  the  last  and  per- 
haps the  greatest  of  these  that  was  merged 
into  the  society.  The  labours  and  writings 
of  Dr.  Bray  directed  public  attention  to  the 
state  of  affairs  and  called  for  union  of  effort. 
His  Memorial  of  the  State  of  Religion  in 
America,  published  in  January,  1701,  was 
followed  by  the  foundation  of  the  new  society 
in  June.  It  met  with  ready  support,  and 
funds  were  quickly  gathered  together  for  the 
maintenance  of  orthodox  clergy  who  were  to 
minister  to  the  needs  of  colonists  and  natives 
alike.2     America  bestirred  itself  and  Virginia 

1  See  Life  of  Laud,  by  Heylin  (1668),  Part  ii.,  Liber  iv., 
pp.  274-276. 

■  Evelyn,  Memoirs,  Vol.  11.,  p.  77  (Ed.  1819),  3rd  May,  1702. 
"  Being  elected  a  member  of  the  Society  lately  incorporated 
for  the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel  in  Foreign  Parts,  subscribed 
£10  per  annum  towards  the  carrying  it  on.  We  agreed  that 
every  Missioner,  beside  the  £20  to  set  him  forth,  should  have 
£50  per  annum  out  of  the  stock  of  the  Corporation  till  his 
settlement  was  worth  to  him  £100  per  annum.  We  sent  a 
young  Divine  to  New  York." 


52  THE    IMPORTANCE    OF   THE    REIGN    OF 

attempted  self-reorganisation.1  The  idea  of 
the  See  of  Canterbury  as  a  patriarchate  over 
many  Sees  was  a  possible  ideal,  and  a  scheme 
for  the  endowment  of  four  bishoprics  in 
America  was  in  progress  when  Anne  died.2 
In  the  ensuing  complications  enthusiasm  for 
such  work  in  England  almost  disappeared. 

The  colonies  did  not  absorb  the  whole  in- 
terest of  the  new  movement.  The  missionary 
spirit  roused  lived  up  to  its  motto — "Go,  teach 
all  nations."  In  1710  it  was  determined  by  the 
society  that  in  future  its  main  work  would  be 
the  "conversion  of  heathen  and  infidels."3 
Missions  were  sent  to  the  American  Indians 
and  to  the  West  Indies.4  Work  in  India  was 
not  undertaken  till  much  later.  The  great 
difficulty  was  to  obtain  volunteers  for  mission 
service  and  to  secure  bishops  to  supervise 
their  labours.  Foreign  Missions  in  the  present 
sense  of  the  term  were  a  too  advanced  state 
of  philanthropy  to  meet  with  much  encourage  - 

1  Calendars  of  State  Papers,  America  and  West  Indies,  for  1700, 
p.  244.  "Bill  for  establishing  Religion  ordered  to  be  com- 
mitted to  the  care  of  Dr.  Bray  to  be  sent  to  England. 

2  Hawkins,  pp.  380-3. 

3  See  History  of  S.P.C.K.,  1698-1898. 

4  Report  of  the  Bicentenary  Celebrations  of  the  S.P.G.,  1900-1 
(pp.  29-31). 


QUEEN   ANNE    IN    ENGLISH    CHURCH    HISTORY    53 

ment.  They  were  a  repellingly  arduous  task, 
and  prominent  men  excused  the  indifference 
of  the  Church  towards  the  subject  by  suggest- 
ing that  supernatural  powers  were  needed  for 
such  work.1  Still  the  germ  of  missions  was 
there,  and  some  kind  of  foundation  had  been 
laid  for  the  subsequent  rapid  and  wonderful 
progress. 

These  societies  are  the  more  definitely 
organised  forms  which  the  Evangelical  move- 
ment took.  They  were  supplemented  and 
accompanied  by  a  more  diffused  interest  in 
the  Church's  life  and  aim  and  in  the  con- 
dition of  the  clergy  themselves.  The  desire 
for  a  better  standard  of  morals  was  quickened 
by  the  establishment  and  success  of  periodical 
literature.  One  of  the  objects  of  such  papers 
as  the  Spectator  and  the  Tatler  is  distinctly  in 
this  category.  The  hypocrisies  of  society  life, 
the  extremes  of  opinion,  and  the  faults  and 
foibles  of  the  average  man  were  subjected  to 
the  lash  of  satirical  criticism  which,  in  many 
cases,  was  so  much  more  cutting  because  it 
was  so  refined  and  polished.     The  drinking 

1  Abbey,   The  English   Church   and   its   Bishops,   1700-1800, 
Vol.  1.,  p.  88. 


54     THE  IMPORTANCE  OF  THE  REIGN  OF 

in  the  clubs,  coffee-houses  and  city  taverns, 
the  vice  of  gaming,1  and  the  popularity  of  the 
sports  of  cock-fighting  and  bear-baiting  were 
satirised  in  the  light  of  an  advanced  spirit. 
These  attempts  at  inculcating  a  higher  tone 
had  a  decidedly  good  effect. 

But  something  more  than  satire  was  re- 
quired when  the  problem  of  the  clergy  was 
examined.  There  is  abundant  evidence  prov- 
ing the  poverty  of  the  clergy  and  their  low 
social  status.  Restoration  drama,  for  instance, 
is  full  of  sneers  and  hits  at  the  clergy.2  Their 
learning,  too,  was  despised — "  His  learning  is 
much  of  a  size  with  his  birth  and  education, 
no  more  of  either  than  what  a  poor  hungry 
servitor  can  be  expected  to  bring  with  him 
from  his  college."3  The  small  income  of 
many  benefices  was  but  poorly  compensated 
by  the  practice  of  pluralities.  A  more  uncer- 
tain source  of  income  was  found  in  private 
benevolence,  which  often  took  the  form  of 
domestic  chaplaincies.4     This  poverty,  along 

1  Luttrell  notices  (Vol.  vi.,  p.  282),  "A  prosecution  for  gaming 
on  Sundays." 

2  Cf.  Vanburgh's  The  Provoked  Wife. 

3  Swift's  Considerations  on  two  Bills  relating  to  the  Clergy  of 
Ireland,  173 1,  Vol.  vin.,  p.  424. 

4  See  Calamy's  Life,  pp.  217-219. 


QUEEN    ANNE    IN    ENGLISH    CHURCH    HISTORY    55 

with  the  existing  confusion  of  Church  and 
State,  was  the  cause  of  the  widely  practised 
art  of  preferment  hunting.  The  most  temp- 
ting baits  were  offered  for  the  services  of  a 
clever  divine.  Swift,  despite  his  real  rooted 
affection  for  the  Church,  was  always  dominated 
by  the  thought  of  the  mitre  that  one  day  was 
to  be  his.  The  ideal  country  clergyman  of 
Herbert  may  have  existed,  but  by  far  the 
commoner  type  was  the  poor  chaplain  Swift 
has  described,  and  the  poor  amiable  Tory 
Churchmen  Addison  has  pictured  in  the 
Spectator.1 

Macaulay,  in  a  famous  passage,  has  emphas- 
ised this  side  of  the  Church.2  Following 
"  Eachred's  Complaint,  he  has  dwelt  over  much 
on  the  clergy's  poverty,  ignorance,  and  despised 
social  position.  This  view  has  been  relaxed 
somewhat  on  closer  study,  and  Macaulay's 
exaggerations  have  been  toned  down  to  sober 
facts.3     But  even  then  there  is  a  strong  case 


1  Addison,  Spectator,  p.  106. 

•  History,  Vol.  1.  (Ed.  1861),  Chap,  iii.,  pp.  326-334 
8  Mr.  Babington  has  carefully  examined  the  facts  of  the 
case,  and  though  he  has  shewn  that  Macaulay  has  relied  too 
much  on  Eachred,  he  has  not  destroyed  the  main  lines  of 
Macaulay's  position. 


56  THE    IMPORTANCE    OF   THE    REIGN    OF 

to  be  be  made  out  against  the  clergy.  It  was 
this  disadvantage  which  prevented  them  from 
becoming  dictators  in  the  country.  Poor  they 
were  —  the  establishment  of  Queen  Anne's 
bounty  among  other  things  shows  that,  — 
ignorant  they  were  on  the  whole — Dr.  Bray's 
library  scheme  proves  the  need  of  reform  in 
this  direction,  but  influential  the  country 
clergy  were  to  a  wonderful  degree.  The 
quickening  spirit  of  controversy  and  strife 
precipitated  a  loyalty  to  the  Church  which 
gained  them  ever  a  respectful  hearing  and  on 
which  they  were  not  slow  to  improve. 

This  strong  clerical  influence  manifested 
itself  in  strict  ecclesiastical  work.  The  age 
of  Anne  was  a  time  of  much  church-building 
and  restoration.  In  London  the  need  for 
churches  was  great,  and  a  scheme  for  the 
building  of  fifty  was  inaugurated,  besides  the 
completion  of  Wren's  great  work — St.  Paul's 
Cathedral.1  Parliament  voted  ^350,000  for 
the  churches,  but  the  money  was  got  through 
before  more  than  twelve  were  built.  Parlia- 
ment also  announced  that  the  applications  of 

1  St.  Paul's  was  finished  in  1710— in  which  year  also  the 
Act  of  Parliament  for  the  churches  was  passed. 


QUEEN   ANNE    IN    ENGLISH   CHURCH    HISTORY    57 

the  clergy  in  Convocation  would  be  received 
with  particular  regard.1  But  their  invitation 
met  with  little  response.  Besides  the  activi- 
ties mentioned  above,  the  clergy  exhibited  so 
petulant  and  trivial  a  spirit  when  their  party 
was  in  power,  that  they  went  far  to  undermine 
their  own  predominance.  In  one  department, 
however,  they  exhibited  great  activity.  De- 
votional exercises  flourished  and  were  a 
notable  feature  of  the  Church  history  of 
the  reign.  Sermons  were  popular  in  the 
extreme,  and  those  of  well-known  divines 
when  published  ran  into  many  editions.2  Pure 
devotional  works,  like  those  of  Nelson,  Framp- 
ton  and  Hickes,  speak  well  for  the  piety  of  the 
non-jurors  and  testify  to  the  loss  the  Church 
sustained  through  that  schism. 

It  is  the  full  workings  of  this  powerful  re- 
vival that  brought  about  the  High  Church 
triumph  of  1710.  The  religious  life  of  the 
country — its  philanthropic  effort — its  spiritu- 
ality— definitely  committed  itself  to  the  High 
Church  and  Tory  interest.  The  seeming 
contrast  between  the  sharp  controversial  spirit 

1  Parliamentary  History,  Vol.  vi.,  p.  1005. 

2  Funeral  sermons  were  common  at  this  time,  and  some 
very  famous  eulogies  were  delivered. 


58  THE   IMPORTANCE   OF  THE    REIGN   OF 

of  the  High  Fliers  and  the  wealth  of  religious 
effort  in  the  country  is  really  non-existant. 
They  are  but  different  expressions  of  the  same 
progressive  spirit.  The  movement  was  to- 
wards the  establishment  of  a  strong  hierarchy 
based  on  the  democratised  High  Church 
party.  The  whole  trend  of  affairs  since  the 
martyrdom  of  the  blessed  Charles  had  been 
to  grapple  the  Church  and  the  people  together 
with  almost  indissoluble  bonds.  Under  the 
favourable  conditions  of  Anne's  reign  this 
close  contact  became  alarmingly  apparent. 
Authority  and  orthodoxy  triumphed  over  dis- 
sent and  schism.  The  religious  and  dynastic 
settlements  of  the  revolution  were  threatened, 
when  these  seemingly  all-powerful  movements 
collapsed  and  a  new  set  of  tendencies  took  up 
the  race. 


IV. 

Before  the  reasons  for  this  collapse  are 
examined,  the  history  of  Convocation  must 
be  glanced  at,  as  completing  the  history  of  the 
struggle  for  power  between  the  two  parties. 
In  the  history  of  the  clerical  assembly  we  find 


QUEEN    ANNE    IN    ENGLISH    CHURCH    HISTORY     59 

reflected  and  intensified  the  tendencies  of  the 
country.  The  smaller  surface  makes  the  main 
lines  stand  out  clearer,  and  the  detail  and 
complexity  of  the  whole  is  reduced  to  a  wel- 
come lucidity.  Convocation  had,  in  1664, 
given  up  their  old  time  privilege  of  taxing 
themselves  and  agreed  to  being  included  in 
the  Money  Bills  of  the  House  of  Commons.1 
They  had  thus  lost  their  chief  claim  to  inde- 
pendence, for  their  performance  of  business 
had,  since  the  Act  of  Submission,  rested  solely 
on  royal  licence.  James  II.,  in  view  of  his 
antagonistic  policy  to  the  Church,  had  taken 
care  to  prevent  any  corporate  criticism.  Wil- 
liam had  empowered  Convocation  at  the 
beginning  of  his  reign  to  revise  the  Prayer 
Book,  but  as  the  purpose  was  the  "  Compre- 
hension "  of  Presbyterians,  the  Lower  House 
of  Convocation  had  proved  unruly  and  had 
been  dissolved.  William  had  been  careful  not 
to  provoke  another  rebuff,  and  Convocation 
had  met  and  adjourned  till  1701. 

In  1697  "A  letter  to  a  Convocation  Man" 
asserted  from  a  High  Church  and  Jacobite 
point  of  view  the  rights,  powers  and  privileges 

1  Lathbury,  History  of  Convocation,  p.  308. 


60  THE   IMPORTANCE   OF  THE   REIGN   OF 

of  Convocation.  The  plagues  which  "  fol- 
lowed the  wind  that  blew  from  Holland  "  were 
taken  as  justifying  the  attitude  adopted.1 
Infidelity,  Socinianism  and  anti-Trinitarianism 
were  rapidly  growing  stronger.  The  chief 
claim  of  the  pamphlet  was  that  Convocation 
and  Parliament,  while  both  assembled  by 
royal  writ,  were  possessed  exactly  of  the 
same  privileges.2  It  was  answered  by  Dr. 
Wake  in  The  Authority  of  Christian  Princes 
over  their  Ecclesiastical  Synods  asserted.  From 
this  beginning  the  Convocation  controversy 
assumed  great  dimensions.  Much  antiquarian- 
ism  was  wasted  in  the  probing  of  obscure 
points,  and  much  bitterness  was  instilled  into 
the  already  sharp  divisions  of  the  Church. 

In  the  reign  of  Queen  Anne,  the  practical 
result  of  this  dispute  was  the  intense  antagon- 
ism of  the  two  Houses.  The  Lower  House, 
strongly  Tory  and  High  Church,  wished  to 
elevate  their  proceedings  and  to  use  their  right 
of  assembly  as  an  effective  weapon  in  the 
propagation    of    their    opinions.       Naturally 

1  "  Letter  to  a  Convocation  Man,"  Somcrs  Tracts,  Vol.  ix., 
p.  412. 

8  Ibid.,  pp.  421-422. 


QUEEN   ANNE   IN   ENGLISH   CHURCH    HISTORY    6l 

enough  the  Whig  Bishops  sought  for  some 
means  of  silencing  them.  This  was  found 
in  the  right  of  Prorogation  at  will  which  the 
Archbishop  claimed  to  possess.  The  claim 
provoked  another  series  of  pamphlets,  and  the 
quarrel  grew  apace. 

The  history  of  Convocation  must  be  briefly 
sketched  with  reference  to  the  main  lines  in 
the  period.  In  the  first  sitting  of  the  new 
Convocation,  in  November,  1702,  the  Lower 
House,  provoked  by  Archbishop  Tenison's  re- 
assertion  of  his  right  of  Prorogation,  asked  that 
the  question  be  submitted  to  the  Queen.1 
\  The  bishops  asked  the  Lower  House  not  to 
forget  the  episcopal  nature  of  the  Church  and 
the  reverence  due  to  them.  Meanwhile  the 
Tory  House  of  Commons  resolved  that  they 
would  "  on  all  occasions  assert  the  just  rights 
and  privileges  of  the  Lower  House  of  Convo- 
cation."2 Following  this  triumph,  the  Lower 
House  asked  the  bishops  to  give  their  appro- 
val to  a  resolution  they  had  passed  declaring 
that  the  order  of  bishops  was  of  divine 
apostolical  institution,  and  calling  upon  them 

1  Calamy,  Vol.  I.,  pp.  635-637. 

2  Quoted  by  Hutton,  History  of  English  Church,  Vol.  vi. 


* 


62  THE    IMPORTANCE    OF   THE    REIGN    OF 

to  condemn  Arian  and  Erastian  opinion.1 
The  bishops  were  in  a  difficult  position,  "  For 
if  they  complied  with  the  Lower  House  they 
gained  their  point,  and  if  they  refused  it  they 
resolved  to  make  them  who  would  not  come 
up  to  such  a  positive  definition  pass  for  secret 
favourers  of  Presbytery."2  The  point  was 
eluded  by  the  Archbishop  declaring  that  they 
had  no  authority  to  make  such  a  declaration 
without  royal  licence. 

In  the  first  session  the  Lower  House  had 
complained  of  the  licentiousness  of  the  press, 
and  in  another  paper  of  the  inefficiency  of  the 
laws  as  to  Church  rates.  In  the  second  session 
in  the  spring  of  1703,  they  complained  in  a 
long  paper  of  the  canons,  of  remissness  in 
presentation  of  children  for  baptism,  of  irregu- 
larities in  marriages,  and  other  defects  in  the 
spiritual  life  of  the  Church.3  This  was  the 
occasion,  Burnet  says,  that  "they  took  care  to 
mention  none  of  those  greater  ones  of  which 
so    many    among    themselves    are   eminently 

1  This  may  have  been  done  by  the  Lower  House  to  give 
the  lie  to  the  slander  that  they  were  enemies  of  episcopacy. 
Atterbury's  Memoirs  and  Correspondence,  Vol.  II.,  pp.  29-30.    , 

a  Burnet,  History  of  his  own  Times,  Vol.  v.,  pp.  80-9. 

3  Lathbury,  p.  384. 


QUEEN    ANNE   IN   ENGLISH   CHURCH    HISTORY    63 

guilty,  such  as  pluralities,  non-residence,  the 
neglect  of  their  cures,  and  the  irregularities  in 
the  lives  of  the  clergy  which  were  too  visible."1 
Their  complaints  were  noticed  by  the  bishops 
and  used  in  visitations.2 

Convocation  met  for  the  third  time  with 
Parliament  in  the  Autumn  of  1704  and  the  old 
disputes  were  continued.  The  Lower  House 
complained  of  the  little  benefit  derived  from 
its  meetings,  and  rightly  assigned  the  cause  to 
the  want  of  harmony  existing  between  the  two 
Houses.  The  Lower  House  also  complained 
of  some  reflections  Burnet  had  made  on  it  in 
a  Visitation  Charge.3  In  the  Convocation  of 
October,  1705,  the  Lower  House  refused  to 
concur  in  the  Upper  House's  Address  to  the 
Queen.4  In  the  recess  a  protest  against  the 
proceedings  of  the  Lower  House  was  signed  by 
more  than  fifty  members.5  The  next  session 
was  characterised  by  a  letter  from  the  Queen 

1  Burnet,  History  of  his  own  Times,  Vol.  v.,  p.  140. 

2  Lathbury,  p.  385. 

3  Lathbury,  p.  394. 

4  Burnet  speaks  of  the  clergy  on  this  occasion  "  as  soured 
beyond  what  could  be  imagined  possible,"  and  says  that  "the 
generality  of  the  clergy  were  not  only  ill-principled  but  ill- 
tempered."    Vol.  v.,  p.  139. 

5  Beeching,  Life  of  Atterbury ,  pp.  in,  112. 


64     THE  IMPORTANCE  OF  THE  REIGN  OF 

on  the  difficulties  of  the  situation.  The  Lower 
House  also  drew  up  a  long  letter  to  the  bishops 
complaining  of  certain  books  and  writings. 
Some  periodicals  were  condemned  and  the 
theatre  was  censured  for  immoral  practices. 
The  meeting  of  Unitarians  was  thought  omni- 
ous,  as  were  the  proposals  for  foreign  adoption 
of  the  British  Liturgy,  while  a  sermon  of  Ben- 
jamin Hoadley  was  called  dishonourable  to  the 
Church,  containing  as  it  did  positions  contrary 
to  the  doctrines  of  the  Church  as  expressed 
in  the  homily  against  disobedience  and  wilful 
rebellion.1 

In  1707  both  Houses  joined  in  acknow- 
ledging the  safety  the  Church  enjoyed  under 
Anne's  rule,  but  as  the  Government  appre- 
hended opposition  to  their  Scotch  Union  Bill 
a  prorogation  followed.2  In  their  next  session 
this  was  protested  against  in  such  vehement 
terms  and  was  accompanied  by  such  antag- 
onism that  Convocation  was  not  allowed  the 
Royal  License  to  transact  business  at  the  next 
meeting  of  Parliament.3 

In  November,  1709,  Dr.  Sacheverell  preached 

1  Wilkins,  Concilia,  Vol.  iv.,  pp.  633-4. 

2  LuttrelVs  Diary,  Vol.  vi.,  p.  115. 

3  Lathbury,  p.  402. 


QUEEN  ANNE   IN    ENGLISH   CHURCH   HISTORY    65 

his  famous  sermon,  and  a  few  months  after 
the  Tories  were  borne  by  public  favour  into 
power.  The  Queen's  Letter  of  Business  to 
the  new  Convocation  of  1710  amounted  to  a 
liberal  invitation  to  do  their  best  for  the 
Church.1  Little  was  done.  The  Lower  House 
occupied  itself  under  Atterbury  as  Prolocutor 
with  censuring  the  works  of  Whiston,  as  being 
"  directly  opposite  to  the  fundamental  articles 
of  the  Christian  Church."2 

Whether  this  condemnation  was  possible  or 
no  occupied  their  attention,  and  except  the 
projects  for  church  building3  the  Convocation 
did  nothing  remarkable.  In  171 1  Atterbury 
created  a  deadlock  by  claiming  the  full  force 
that  could  be  given  to  a  prorogation  of  Con- 
vocation by  analogy  from  the  prorogation  of 
the  Commons.4 

In  1 714  there  was  a  dispute  over  the  Ad- 
dress, though  Atterbury,  the  leading  figure  of 
the  former  disputes,  had  now  a  place  in  the 


1  Wilkins,  Concilia,  Vol.  iv.,  p.  638. 

2  Ibid.,  pp.  646,  et  seq. 

3  Atterbury,  Correspondence,  Vol.  11.,  pp.  312-314,  and  History 
of  Parliament  and  Convocation,  pp.  134-138  (1711). 

4  Lathbury,   p.   418,   and  "The   Mitre   and   the   Crown," 
Somers  Tracts,  Vol.  xn.,  p.  602. 


66  THE   IMPORTANCE   OF  THE   REIGN    OF 

Upper  House.1  The  Houses  made  their  Ad- 
dresses separately  and  then  proceeded  to  the 
discussion  of  matters  named  in  the  Queen's 
Letter  of  171 1.  The  question  of  Trinitarianism 
was  occupying  their  attention,  and  more  especi- 
ally Samuel  Clarke's  work,  when  Anne  died.2 
In  the  following  reign  the  Tory  nature  of  the 
Lower  House  so  alarmed  the  Whigs  that 
they  prorogued  it  indefinitely  and  its  meetings 
lapsed  until  modern  times.  Occupied  in 
academic  strife  the  revived  Convocation  of 
Anne  exhibited  in  an  unmistakable  way  the 
evils  of  the  connection  between  Church  and 
State.  Its  sole  good  work  had  been  of  an 
incidental  nature,  and  even  then  had  been  in 
no  way  constructive.  Protests  and  censures 
had  occupied  Convocation's  time. 

V. 

The  doctrines  of  divine  right  and  passive 
obedience  had  never  been  surrendered  by  the 
Church.  The  revolution  settlement  had  been 
acquiesced  in,  but  the  non-juror  schism  had 
been  formed  and  the  story  of  the  Old  Preten- 

1  Lathbury,  p.  424. 

2  Wilkins,  Concilia,  Vol.  iv.,  pp.  651-659. 


QUEEN   ANNE    IN    ENGLISH    CHURCH    HISTORY     67 

der's  fictitious  birth  formulated.  The  Church 
did  not  accept  William  as  King  de  jure,  and 
the  process  of  the  de  facto  right  growing  into 
the  de  jure  one  broke  down  at  the  accession  of 
Anne.  She,  at  least,  was  of  the  proper  stock 
even  though  her  half-brother  had  a  better  title. 
The  strictest  upholders  of  direct  hereditary 
succession,  the  non-jurors,  viewed  her  with 
favour,  and,  encouraged  by  her  supposed  favour 
to  the  pretensions  of  the  young  Prince,  "began 
to  look  out  of  their  quiet  nooks  to  see  what 
this  gleam  of  sunshine  might  promise."  *  Anne, 
indeed,  was  only  prevented  from  recognising 
the  Pretender  because  she  was  never  allowed 
to  forget  that  he  was  a  papist  and  an  enemy 
to  the  Church  she  loved.  The  mass  of  the 
country  had  no  such  conscience  soothers  as 
the  Whig  Bishops  were  to  the  Queen,  and 
they  drifted  far  along  this  stream  in  the  wake 
of  the  Jacobite  High  Churchmen. 

These  High  Fliers,  actuated  mainly  by  the 
fear  of  the  Whig  supremacy  which  would 
follow  the  Hanoverian  succession,  began  to 
plot  for  a  Jacobite  restoration.  It  was  a 
design  not  widely  known,  Jacobitism  itself  was 

1  Lift  of  Ken,  by  a  Layman,  p.  695. 


68  THE   IMPORTANCE   OF   THE   REIGN   OF 

widely  diffused,  but  for  the  most  part  it  was 
of  the  sentimental,  romantic  type,  with  such 
favourite  expressions  as  drinking  to  the  King 
over  the  water  and  toasting  the  "  little  black 
gentleman."  With  the  clergy,  the  commonest 
form  Jacobitism  had  taken  was  the  careful 
observance  of  such  dates  as  the  30th  January, 
the  7th  September,  the  birthday  of  Queen 
Elizabeth,  and  the  5th  of  November.1  In- 
flammatory sermons  were  preached  on  these 
occasions,  and  the  opportunity  was  taken  of 
further  emphasising  the  danger  the  Church 
was  in  from  all  Whig  counsels.  In  reality, 
Jacobitism  was  an  atmosphere  rather  than  a 
potential  reality.  The  Jacobite  plot  at  the 
end  of  the  reign  was  an  unformed  thing  in  the 
dark.  There  was  never  anything  more  on  the 
part  of  the  general  public  than  a  vague  feeling 
of  dislike  to  the  Hanoverian  party.  Even  to 
some  prominent  men  of  the  Tory  party  the 
plot  was  unknown.  Swift,  for  instance,  knew 
nothing  of  the  design  and  wrote  against  it.2 

1  Sacheverell's  Sermon  was  a  5th  of  November  one. 

2  The  pamphlet  Some  Free  Thoughts  upon  the  Present  State 
of  Affairs  shows  clearly  that  he  himself  was  no  Jacobite  and 
had  little  sympathy  with  and  apparently  no  knowledge  of  the 
Jacobite  plot.  Also  in  No.  16  of  the  Examiner  he  strongly 
denounced  the  hints  Whig  papers  made  that  the  Tories  were 
supporting  the  Pretender.     Vol.  iv.,  pp.  35-38. 


QUEEN    ANNE    IN    ENGLISH    CHURCH    HISTORY    69 

But  with  Bolingbroke,  Ormond  and  Atter- 
bury,  it  was  otherwise.  As  leaders  of  the 
extreme  Tory  party  they  cast  about  in  despair 
for  the  prolonging  of  their  power.  They  saw 
no  hope  of  this  from  Hanover,  and  so  they 
staked  all  on  a  Stuart  restoration.  They 
glossed  over  insurmountable  difficulties.  In 
171 1  an  English  Jacobite  wrote  to  a  friend 
as  follows:  "Anything  that  tends  towards 
Jacobitism  sounds  ill  in  the  ears  of  those  who 
are  always  used  to  tack  popery,  slavery,  and 
arbitrary  government  together,  and  have  no 
other  notion  of  a  popish  king  but  that  of  a 
bigot  tyrant."1  The  days  of  James  II.  could 
never  be  forgotten.  The  religion  of  the  Pre- 
tender was  sufficient  to  make  him  odious  to 
the  country:  coupled  with  his  repudiation  of 
the  national  debt,  inter  alia,  it  made  his  chance 
hopeless.2  Addison's  epigram  was  well  merited 
by  these  men,  "  The  Church  of  England  will 
always  be  in  danger  till  it  has  a  popish  king 
for  its  defender."3  Bolingbroke,  it  is  true,  tried 
to  get  James  to  grant  more  than  "  reasonable 
security"  for  the  Protestant  religion,  but  failed 

1  Macpherson,  Original  Papers,  Vol.  11.,  p.  12Z. 

2  Stuart  MSS.,  Vol.  1.,  Introduction,  pp.  liv.,  lv. 
*  Freeholder,  14. 


JO  THE  IMPORTANCE  OF  THE  REIGN  OF 

to  get  his  signature  to  a  document  renouncing 
his  Church.1  That  was  in  the  autumn  of  171 3. 
In  June,  1714,  Bolingbroke  was  willing  to 
accept  James  without  any  conditions.2 

What  might  have  happened  if  the  Jacobite 
plot  had  matured  is  beyond  speculation.  One 
thing  is  certain,  the  Church  could  not  have 
accepted  the  Pretender  on  the  conditions  he 
offered,  even  if  Anne  had  felt  bound  to  recog- 
nise his  claims.  As  it  was  the  Church  party 
was  sufficiently  compromised  to  fall  into  entire 
disfavour  with  the  new  dynasty.  The  impeach- 
ment of  the  Tory  ministers  in  171 5  and  the 
flight  of  the  prominent  Jacobites  meant  the  ruin 
of  the  Tory  party.  The  country  acquiesced  in 
George's  accession,  and  James  was  content 
with  publishing  a  Declaration  claiming  the 
three  kingdoms.3 

This  Jacobitism  of  the  Tory  leaders  is  the 
immediate  cause  of  the  failure  of  the  High 
Church  party  to  prolong  its  position  of  1710-14. 
It  is  the  last  attempt  of  the  Church  of  Laud 
to  establish  as  a  permanence  the  favourable 

1  Stuart  MSS.,  Introduction,  pp.  liii.,  liv. 
a  Ibid.     For  James'  refusal  to  change  his  religion  see  Mac- 
pherson,  Original  Papers,  Vol.  n.,  p.  525, 
3  Stuart  Papers,  Vol.  1.,  p.  333. 


QUEEN    ANNE    IN    ENGLISH    CHURCH    HISTORY     71 

conditions  of  the  policy  of  Strafford.  The 
Church  of  Anne  failed  in  its  attempt  to  rule 
the  country  solely  in  the  interests  of  the 
Church.  The  force  of  constitutional  govern- 
ment was  too  strong.  The  Cabinet,  not  the 
Church,  was  to  be  all-important  in  the  future. 
In  a  like  manner  the  intellectual  and  theologi- 
cal despotism  of  the  Church  was  overthrown 
by  a  philosophy  which  appealed  to  reason,  not 
to  dogma. 


VI. 

Rationalism  was  a  convenient  label  given  to 
the  movements  against  the  claim  to  exercise 
a  despotic  control  over  the  intellect  of  the  indi- 
vidual which  the  old  intellectual  systems  had 
hitherto  exerted.  "Whatever  is  lost  by  Catholi- 
cism is  gained  by  Rationalism,"  and  the  origins 
of  the  rebellion  can  be  traced  to  the  Reforma- 
tion. The  English  Church  settlement  followed 
the  old  lines  of  theological  thought,  which  put 
forth  its  last  efforts  at  supremacy  during  Anne's 
reign.  To  do  this  it  had  for  the  time  being 
arrested   the   development   of  Tolerance  and 


72      THE  IMPORTANCE  OF  THE  REIGN  OF 

discredited  the  mitigating  influence  of  Lati- 
tudinarianism.  Locke  in  his  "Essay  on  the 
Reasonableness  of  Christianity"  led  the  attack 
on  the  system  of  theology  adopted  by  the 
Church,  and  like  Nietzche,  in  a  later  age, 
questioned  what  had  formerly  been  considered 
axiomatic. 

The  philosophy  inaugurated  by  Locke 
wished  to  test — by  the  application  of  pure 
reason — doctrines  which  had  been  immune 
from  such  enquiry  owing  to  the  sacredness  in 
which  they  were  veiled.1  Rationalism  was  an 
atmospheric  condition  rather  than  a  scholastic. 
Unconsciously  everybody  attempted  the  justi- 
fication of  the  doctrines  they  held  by  the 
criterion  of  reason.  The  criterion  of  reason 
was  not  opposed  to  revealed  religion  and 
sought  to  distinguish  carefully  between  the 
natural  and  supernatural  in  religion.  There 
was  a  slavish  adherence  to  the  text  of  the 
Bible — the  quarrel  Rationalism  had  was  with 
Creeds.  Dr.  Thomas  Gurnel's  Archaeologiae 
Philosophicae,  which  treated  the  account  of 
Adam  and  Eve  and  Paradise  as  Eastern  fables 
teaching  moral  truths  was  considered  by  the 

1  See  Locke's  Essay,  passim. 


QUEEN    ANNE    IN    ENGLISH    CHURCH    HISTORY     73 

age  as  being  a  far  greater  heresy  than  defying 
the  Trinity  or  mutilating  the  Creeds.1 

The  attempt  at  first  was  made  to  shew  that 
,the  old  doctrines  were  based  on  reason.  "No- 
thing is  revealed  in  Christianity,"  was  the 
thesis,  "which  is  opposed  to  reason."  Later  the 
drift  of  thought  was  to  test  and  examine  criti- 
cally the  story  of  the  New  Testament.  The 
divisions  in  Rationalism  correspond  roughly  to 
the  two  halves  of  the  century.2  In  the  first 
half  writers  were  occupied  with  the  internal 
study  of  Christianity:  and  the  controversies 
which  centred  round  the  points  raised,  formed 
the  portion  of  Rationalism  which  overthrew 
the  foundation  of  the  High  Church  party. 
Evangelicalism  was  in  a  sense  a  rebellion 
against  the  philosophic  spirit,  but  the  Evan- 
gelical movement  succumbed.  It  was  only 
when  released  from  dogma  that  Evangelicalism 
flourished,  and  even  the  Wesleyan  revival  was 
forced  to  acquiesce  somewhat  in  the  century's 
trend  of  thought. 

The  dominant  controversy  of  the  reign  of 
Anne  was  that  of  the  Deists.     It  was  by  no 

1  Hunt,  Religious  Thought  in  England,  Vol.  11.,  p.  223. 

2  Pattison,  Essays,  Vol.  11.,  p.  47. 


74      THE  IMPORTANCE  OF  THE  REIGN  OF 

means  confined  to  that  reign,  it  was  all- 
absorbing  during  the  whole  of  the  first  half  of 
the  century,  reaching  its  height  just  before 
Hume  contributed  to  it  his  Treatise  of  Human 
Nature  (1736).  This  controversy  examined 
the  question  of  how  far  was  natural  religion 
sufficient.  Natural  religion,  according  to  the 
Deists,  was  the  result  of  a  closely  reasoned 
and  logical  process.  This  was  the  basis 
adopted  by  all  theologians.  Christians,  how- 
ever, declared  that  reason,  in  addition  to  de- 
tecting this  natural  religion,  could  also  pass 
on  to  detect  the  truths  of  revealed  religion 
by  an  extension  of  the  same  process.  Natural 
law,  the  Deists  said,  was  all-sufficient.  To- 
land's  book,  Christianity  not  Mysterious1  and 
Chubb's  Enquiry  into  the  Foundation  of  Re- 
ligion,2 stripped  Christianity  of  anything  holy 
or  impressive.  It  was  useless  to  advance 
the  mystical  element  in  religion  against  such 
works,  for  mystery  is  not  open  to  reason,  and 
is  far  from  logical.  This  undue  application  of 
reason  resulted  again  in  the  work  of  Shaftes- 

1  For    Toland    see    Leslie    Stephen,    History    of    English 
Thought  in   18th  century,  Vol.  I.,  pp.  101-119. 

2  Ibid,  pp.  161-165. 


QUEEN    ANNE    IN    ENGLISH    CHURCH    HISTORY     75 

bury,  who,  in  his  Characteristics,  assailed  all 
positive  doctrine  and  deiared  himself  opposed 
to  all  enthusiasm.  He  laid  emphasis  on  dis- 
interested morality,  existing  independent  of 
creed,  and  prior  to  revealed  Christianity.  In 
this  view  Christianity  became  nothing  more 
than  a  re-issue  of  the  moral  law.  The  ques- 
tion Shaftesbury  raised  attracted  some  atten- 
tion, and  it  was  the  subject  of  contention 
between  Atterbury  and  Hoadley. 

More  speculative  theology  possessed  similar 
characteristics.  King's  book  on  the  Origin  of 
Evil,  and  his  sermon  on  Predestination  are 
good  examples.  He  applied  reason  to  these 
problems,  and  came  to  the  conclusion  that  the 
old  Calvinistic  doctrines  of  the  wisdom  and 
foreknowledge  of  God  could  only  be  described 
"  by  way  of  resemblance  and  analogy."  1  The 
principles  of  Collins'  essay  on  the  Use  of 
Reason  were  later  elaborated  into  his  Discourse 
on  Free-thinking :  that  Reason  is  the  gift  of 
God,  and  anything  irrational  cannot  come 
from  God  is  his  principle,  and  he  unhesitat- 
ingly applies  it  to  all  Christianity.  The  Free- 
thinker— the  man  who  uses  his  reason  to  its 

1  History  of  English  Thought  in  18th  Century,  Vol.  I.,  p.  114. 


j6  THE  IMPORTANCE  OF  THE  REIGN  OF 

full  advantage  —  is  the  worst  enemy  of  In- 
fidelity.1 Their  solicitude  for  the  Church  and 
Religion  was  the  most  dangerous  weapon  that 
the  Deists  had. 

They  did  not  wholly  confine  their  attacks 
to  the  theology  of  the  Church.  The  attacks 
of  the  Deists  on  the  clergy  were  led  by 
Collins.  In  his  Rights  of  the  Church  vindicated 
against  Romish  and  other  Priests  (1706)  and  his 
Priestcraft  in  Perfection2  were  embodied  de- 
nunciations of  the  position  and  pretensions 
of  the  clergy.  Similar  accusations  are  found 
in  Sir  R.  Howard's  History  of  Religion  as 
managed  by  Priestcraft  and  in  Toland's  Letters 
to  Serena  and  the  Tribe  of  Levi.  The  lead  was 
*  well  followed,  and  the  cry  of  priestcraft  was 
taken  up  by  numerous  pamphleteers.  The 
Deists  clung  tenaciously  to  their  positions,  but 
it  was  in  vain.  There  were  no  real  grounds 
for  the  accusation  of  priestcraft  against  the 
mass  of  the  clergy. 

In  a  brief  review  it  is  impossible  to  do  the 
Deists  full  justice.     Only  the  barest  facts  can 


1  Hunt,  Religious  Thought  in  England,  Vol.  II.,  p.  374. 

2  Somers  Tracts,  Vol.  xn.,  p.  159  and  Vol.  ix.,  p.  590,  Reflec- 
tions on  a  late  pamphlet  entitled  Priestcraft  and  Perfection. 


QUEEN   ANNE    IN    ENGLISH   CHURCH   HISTORY    77 

be  stated  and  only  the  broadest  generalisa- 
tions offered.  It  is  sufficient  for  the  purpose 
here  to  have  indicated  the  "  newness  "  of  the 
revolutionary  element  of  this  controversy. 
Often  sheltering  within  the  folds  of  the 
Church,  for  many  Deists  called  themselves 
Christian  Deists,1  these  writers  attacked  the 
core  of  Christianity.  They  demoralised  by 
their  philosophy  the  old  theology.  Faith  was 
tabooed,  enthusiasm  was  suspected,  reason 
alone  held  sway.  Deism  was  undoubtedly  the 
most  successful  form  of  Rationalism. 

The  second  controversy  in  which  the  first 
half  of  the  Rationalistic  movement  found  ex- 
pression is  known  as  the  Arian  controversy.  I 
It  was  led  by  such  men  as  Emlyn,  Whiston 
and  Clarke.  Whiston's  book  was  An  Histori- 
cal Preface  to  Primitive  Christianity  Reviewed. 
He  was  an  able  mathematician  of  Cambridge, 
who  was  led  into  manifest  Arianism  by  his 
desire  to  place  the  theories  about  the  Trinity 
before  men  in  a  plain  and  understandable 
fashion.  "  For  these  tenets  he  was  censured 
at  Cambridge  and  expelled  the  University. 
Upon  that  he  wrote  a  vindication  of  himself 

1  Toland  and  Collins  called  themselves  Christian  Deists. 


J&  THE  IMPORTANCE  OF  THE  REIGN  OF 

and  his  doctrine  and  dedicated  it  to  Convo- 
cation." *  Convocation  censured  his  book. 
Whiston,  who  held,  in  his  own  opinion,  no 
position  antagonistic  to  the  Church,  submitted. 
But  he  was  afterwards  forced  to  resign  his 
professorship  at  Cambridge  and  to  leave  the 
Church. 

Emlyn's  faith  in  the  accepted  doctrine  of 
the  Trinity  was  shaken  by  reading,  soon 
after  his  ordination,  Dr.  Sherlock's  book  on 
the  Trinity.  His  ministry  in  Dublin  was 
characterised  by  no  definite  teaching  of  creeds. 
His  orthodoxy  was  suspected  and  he  was 
pressed  to  resign  his  position.2  He  then 
published  A  Humble  Enquiry  into  the  Deity  of 
Jesus  Christ,  in  which  he  asserted  that  the 
supreme  God  is  above  Jesus  Christ.  For 
this  he  was  convicted  of  blasphemy,  im- 
prisoned and  fined.  His  books  called  forth 
a  crowd  of  answering  works.  The  first  direct 
refutation  was  the  work  of  a  Dublin  pastor, 
Joseph  Boyse. 

Samuel  Clarke's  work  was  wide  and  com- 
prehensive,   though    not    possessed    of    much 

1  Burnet,  History  of  his  own  Times,  Vol.  vi.,  p.  49. 
3  Hunt,  Vol.  11.,  p.  325. 


QUEEN    ANNE    IN    ENGLISH    CHURCH    HISTORY     79 

originality.1  He  was  greatly  concerned  in 
constructing  a  theology  from  first  principles 
on  strict  logical  lines.  His  metaphysical  deity 
was  what  he  called  nature — sometimes  distinct 
from  both  God  and  man.  From  this  position 
he  fell  into  fundamental  errors  on  the  Trinity 
and  exemplified  the  Rationalism  of  his  age  in 
his  treatment  of  this  doctrine.  The  case  of 
Clarke  and  his  works  was  pending  the  decision 
of  the  Houses  of  Convocation  when  Anne 
died.2 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  these  three 
leading  Arians  arrived  at  their  positions  inde- 
pendently and  differed  in  other  views  consider- 
ably. They  were  the  product  of  Rationalism, 
and  took  up  their  respective  attitudes  to  Chris- 
tian theology  mainly  under  its  influence.  A 
crowd  of  writers  fought  them,  and  the  contro- 
versy raged  far  and  wide.  Most  refutations 
are  as  Rationalistic  as  the  provocations.  It 
was  dangerous  to  deny  the  efficacy  of  reason, 
for  that  would  have  been  to  deny  what  was  to 
the  eighteenth  century  the  basis  of  all  things.3 

1  Leslie  Stephen,  History  of  English  Thought  in  the  Eighteenth 
Century,  Vol.  1.,  p.  119. 

2  Wilkins'  Concilia,  Vol.  iv.,  pp.  657-659. 

8  The  application  of  reason  for  the  purpose  of  ridicule  is  to 
be  found  in  "  A  New  Catechism  with  Dr.  Hicks'  Thirty-nine 
Articles"  in  Somers  Tracts,  Vol.  xin.,  p.  176. 


80  THE    IMPORTANCE    OF   THE    REIGN    OF 

One  smaller  heresy  falls  to  be  mentioned  as 
showing  the  direct  contact  of  High  Church 
theology  and  the  principles  of  Rationalism. 
The  controversy  of  lay  baptism1  coincided 
with  the  fear  of  the  High  Church  party  that 
the  Presbyterians  and  Latitudinarians  were 
conspiring  against  the  Church.  Henry  Dod- 
well  raised  the  question  as  to  the  necessity  for 
the  re-baptism  of  Dissenters.  Re-baptism  was 
declared  by  the  bishops  to  be  unnecessary.  At 
this  declaration  the  High  Church  party  took 
alarm,  and  they  opposed  the  principle,  going 
so  far  as  to  urge  the  repetition  of  the  rite  even 
when  administered  by  laymen.  The  position 
was  one  incompatible  with  reason  or  tolera- 
tion, and  one  only  possible  of  adoption  by  a 
strong  Church  with  all  the  tendencies  of  the 
age  in  its  favour. 

That  the  English  Church  had  not  the  ten- 
dencies of  the  age  in  her  favour  has  been  made 
plain.  Anne's  reign,  like  all  periods  of  history, 
is  one  of  transition.  In  the  political  life  of  the 
country  it  meant  the  birth  of  the  party  system 

1  See  Bingham,  Scholastical  History  of  Lay  Baptism  (Works, 
Ed.  1712),  Vol.  xi.,  especially  Part  ii.,  which  contains  "The 
State  of  the  Present  Controversy." 


QUEEN    ANNE    IN    ENGLISH    CHURCH    HISTORY     8l 

with  its  inter-dependence  on  the  Protestant 
Succession.  In  the  religious  life  it  was  a 
passing  from  the  old  to  the  new,  with  the  new 
as  yet  unrecognisable  and  dim.  It  was  an  age 
of  disillusionment,  which  was  not  suffered  to 
pass  without  protest. 

The  gravest  evil  the  Church  suffered  from 
was  that  of  Establishment.     The  interests  of 
Church  and  State  were  held  to  be  the  same. 
The  Church  was  a  political  force,  and  strove   ! 
after  power  in  a  manner  unworthy  of  its  pro- 
fessions.    In  the  reign  of  Anne  this  political 
cancer    of    the    Church    became    malignant.  ' 
Following  on  the  divisions  raised  by  the  Revo-  I 
lution,  the  High  Churchmen  of  Anne's  reign 
made  a  last  splendid  attempt  to  perpetuate 
their  old-time  power.     They  had  great  odds  to 
contend  against,  but  they  had  a  great  ally. 

Against  the  Whig  dominance  of  William's 
reign  the  Tories  and  High  Churchmen  did 
little.  In  the  struggle  they  showed  themselves 
in  their  worst  light,  fanatical  party  intriguers. 
Opposed  to  Toleration,  hating  the  Dissenter 
with  only  a  little  less  hatred  than  the  Papist, 
the  conduct  of  the  High  Church  party  during 
the  reign  of  Queen  Anne  is  the  last  and  blackest 


82      THE  IMPORTANCE  OF  THE  REIGN  OF 

article  in  a  long  indictment  against  the  connec- 
tion of  Church  and  State.  The  connection  of 
the  two  led  to  corruption,  decay  and  failure. 

But  while  the  Church  put  forth  its  might 
along  the  lines  of  absolutism  and  hierarchy, 
she  was  joined  by  an  unexpected  ally  of  great 
power.  This  was  the  revival  of  religion. 
Evangelicalism  was  full  of  good  and  noble 
works.  Coupled  with  the  political  activity  and 
power  of  the  Church  it  was  invincible.  It 
supplied  the  necessary  enthusiasm  which  poli- 
tics could  never  give.  It  carried  with  it  the 
great  moderate  element  of  the  Church  and  the 
men  who  viewed  the  two  parties  of  extremists 
with  equal  distaste.  It  was  this  combination 
of  forces  which  represented  the  last  attempt  of 
the  Church  at  establishing  herself  on  the  lines 
of  her  old  theological  and  political  theory. 

The  reign  of  Anne  witnesses  both  the 
triumph  and  the  failure  of  this  attempt.  The 
political  energies  of  the  Church  degenerated 
into  an  impossible  Jacobitism.  The  accepted 
mystical  theology  of  the  Church  was  attacked 
and  discredited  by  Rationalism.  Its  enthu- 
siam  dying  out  the  Church  relapsed  into  the 
state  in  which  it  dragged  out  a  dreary  existence 


QUEEN    ANNE    IN    ENGLISH    CHURCH    HISTORY     83 

in  the  eighteenth  century.  It  was  falling 
before  the  force  of  a  general  movement. 
Everywhere  rebellion  was  made  against  au- 
thority. It  is  significant  that  Voltaire's  visit 
to  England  was  in  the  year  1724,  when  the 
Deistical  controversy  was  at  its  height. 

In  France  Jansenism  relapsed,  under  the 
influence  of  the  Spanish  mysticism  of  St. 
Theresa,  into  quietism  or  gave  way  to  Atheism 
or  Infidelity.  So  the  English  Church,  on  the 
ruins  of  political  disgrace  and  before  the 
successful  attack  of  the  Zeitgeist,  relapsed 
into  the  dead  and  soulless  condition  which 
was  almost  its  only  characteristic  during  a 
large  portion  of  the  eighteenth  century.  The 
quickening  spirit  of  religious  revival  could  not, 
after  the  catastrophe  of  17 14,  find  a  satis- 
factory outlet  for  its  energies  within  the  pale 
of  Establishment.  Yet  the  followers  of  Wesley, 
while  effecting  a  schism,  reacted  strongly  on 
the  Church.  The  Evangelical  party  in  the 
Church  was  further  strengthened  by  the  re- 
action following  the  French  Revolution.  Reli- 
gious life  grew  steadily  deeper  and  more  real, 
and  in  the  Oxford  Movement  of  the  early 
nineteenth  century  can  be  seen  the  true  heir 


84  THE    IMPORTANCE    OF   THE    REIGN    OF 

of  the  High  Church  revival  of  Queen  Anne's 
reign.  But  the  Oxford  Movement  was  more 
than  a  century  after  the  reign  of  Anne.  It 
might  have  been  far  otherwise.  Evangeli- 
calism could  have  been  an  augury  of  the 
religion  of  the  future.  The  Church  could 
have  looked  upon  Anne's  reign  as  a  clearing- 
house in  which  were  left  a  series  of  shattered 
illusions  and  false  hopes.  The  way  would 
have  been  plain.  Divorced  from  politics, 
purged  of  party  spirit,  with  a  theology  in 
sympathy  with  the  age,  yet  keeping  a  true  pro- 
portion between  the  old  mysterious  elements 
and  the  new  logical  force  of  reason,  she  could 
have  gone  on  her  path  with  renewed  youth. 
Democratised  and  knowing  how  to  bind  the 
people  closer  by  a  true  Evangelicalism,  not 
shirking  her  duty  abroad,  the  Church  gained, 
partially  yet  invaluably,  from  a  political  and 
temporary  rebuff.  The  full  harvest  was  de- 
ferred. That  the  ideal,  at  least,  was  rendered 
possible,  that  the  way  was  cleared,  that  sundry 
dead  and  rotten  branches  were  swept  away,  is 
the  sum  importance  of  the  reign  of  Queen 
Anne  in  English  Church  History. 


QUEEN    ANNE    IN    ENGLISH    CHURCH    HISTORY     85 


APPENDIX. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY. 


Section  "A"  contains  a  list  of  contemporary  authorities 
for  the  period  1702—14. 

Addison,   Joseph,    Works,    ed.    R.    Hurd,    Bishop   of  Worcester, 

6  vols.     London,  1854-6. 
Anne,  Queen,  Memoirs  of,  by  —  Gibson.     London,  1729. 
Arbuthnot,  John,  Works,  2  vols.     Glasgow,  1751. 
Ashmole,  Elias,  Memoirs  of,  etc.,  by  way  of  Diary.    London,  1757. 

The  Way  to  Bliss.     In  Three  Books.     London,  1658. 

Athenae  Cantabrigienses,  from  Cole   MSS.   in    British    Museum. 

Addit.  MSS.  5862-85.  5954,  5955. 
Athenae  Oxoniensis,  Antony  a  Wood,  new  ed.  with  additions  and  a 

continuation  by  P.  Bliss,  4  vols.     London,  1813-20. 
Athenian  Oracle,  4  vols.     London,  1728. 
Atterbury,  Francis,  Bishop  of  Rochester,  Memoirs  and  Correspon- 

pondence  of,  ed.  G.  Folkestone  Williams,  2  vols.    1869. 

Sermons,  3  vols.     London,  8th  ed.,  1706. 

[For  Bibliography  of  his  works  see  Life,  by  Canon  Beeching, 
pp.  xv.-xviii.J 
Bath,    Marquis   of.      Longleat    MSS.    Hist.    MSS.    Report   XV. 

London,  1904.     Vol.  1.,  1904,  vol.  II.,  1907,  vol.  111., 

1908. 
Berwick,  Duke  of,   Memoirs.  2  vols.   "En   Suisse,"  1778.     Coll. 

Petitot,  vols,  lxv-vi. 
Bingham,  Joseph,  Works,  12  vols.     London,  1712. 
Bolingbroke,  Henry  St.  John,  Viscount,  Philosophical  Works,  ed. 

with  Life,  by  David  Mallet.     London,  1754. 

Letters  and  Correspondence  with  State  Papers,  ed.  Gilbert 

Parke.     London,  1798. 
Boyer,  Abel,  History  of  Queen  Anne.     London,  1735. 

[This  is  based  on  ■■  The  Annals  of  Queen  Anne  "  (1703-13),  re- 
named in  171 3  "  The  Political  state  of  Great  Britain  "]  . 
Buccleuch  and  Queensbury,  Duke  of,  Manuscripts,  Hist.  MSS. 
Commission  Report  XV.  App.  8,  1897,  Report  XV. 
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1  (1903).  Vol.  n.,  Pt.  2  (1903).  At  Drumlanrig 
House,  Vol.  11.  (1903). 


86      THE  IMPORTANCE  OF  THE  REIGN  OF 

Bull,    George,    Bishop    of    St.    David's,    Works,    collected    and 
revised  by  Rev.  Ed.  Burton,  7  vols,  in  8.     Oxford, 
/  1827. 

1    Burnet,  Gilbert,  Bishop  of  Salisbury,  History  of  His  Own  Time, 
6  vols.     Oxford,  1833. 
[For  Bibliography  of  Burnet's  Works  see  Life,  by  Clarke  and 
Foxcroft,  pp.  522-560] . 
Calamy,  Edmund,  Thirteen  Sermons.     London,  1722. 

A  Defence  of  Moderate  Nonconformity,  3  vols.     London, 

1703-5- 

An  Abridgement  of  Mr.  Baxter's  History,  2  vols.     London, 

i7J3- 

Account  of  My  Own  Life,  2  vols.     London,  1829. 

Chamberlayne,   E.  and  J.  C.,  Anglia  Notitia.      The  21st  edition 

in  1704  is  continued  by  J.  C.  Subsequent  editions, 
1707,  1708,  1710-1716.     London. 

Coke  Papers.  Earl  Cowper's  MSS.,  Vol.  III.  Hist.  MSS.  Com- 
mission Report  XII.     App.  Pt.  3.     London,  1889. 

Collier,  Jeremy,  Ecclesiastical  History  of  Great  Britain,  new  ed.  by 
F.  Burham.     8vo.     London,  1840-1. 

Essays  (three  parts,  1698-1705).     London. 

Short  View   of    the  Profaneness   and   Immorality  of    the 

English  Stage.     London,  1698. 
Compton,  Henry,  Bishop  of  London,  The  Life  of  [?  by  N.  Salmon] . 

London,  undated. 
Dartmouth,  Earl  of,    Hist.  MSS.  Commission  Report  XL     App. 

Pt.  5.     London,  1887. 
Dawes,  Sir  William,  Archbishop  of  York,  Works,  with  a  Preface 

and  a  Life  of  the  Author,  3  vols.     London,  1733. 
Defoe,   Daniel,    Miscellaneous  Works,    ed.    J.    S.    Kelie.     Edin- 
burgh, 1869. 
Dodwell,  Henry,  Works,  abridged,  with  an  Account  of  his  Life, 

by  Francis  Brokesby,  2  vols.     London,  1723. 
Dunton,  John,  Life  and  Errors  of  John  Dunton,  Citizen  of  London, 

ed.  by  John  Nichols,  2  vols.     London,  1818. 
Eachard,  John,  Works,  3  vols.     London,  1773-4. 
Ellis,  Sir  Henry,  Original  Letters,  with  notes  and  illustrations  by 

H.  E.  First,  second  and  third  series,  11  vols.     London, 

1824-46. 
"     Evelyn,  John,  Memoirs,  comprising  his  diary  from  the  year  1641- 

1705-6,  and  a  selection  of  his  familiar  letters,  ed.  by 

W.  Bray,  2  vols.     London,  1818. 
V      History  of  Religion,  with  Notes  by  R.  M.  Evanson,  2  vols. 

London,  1850. 
Fortescue,  J.  B.  Hist.  MSS.  Commission  Report  XIII,  Pt.  3,  Vol. 

1.     London,  1892. 
Frampton,  Robert,  Bishop  of  Gloucester,  The  Life  of,  deprived  as  a 

Non  Juror,  1689,  ed.  by  T.  S.  Evans.     London,  1876. 
Gibson,   Edmund,   Bishop  of    London,    Codex  juris   Ecclesiastici 

Anglicani,  2  vols.     Oxford,  1761. 


QUEEN    ANNE    IN    ENGLISH    CHURCH    HISTORY     87 

Grenvelle,  Denis,  Dean  of  Durham,  Remains  of,  Surtees  Society, 

37  and  47.     Durham,  1865. 
Halifax,   Marquis   of    [Sir  George  Savile,  Bart.],  The   Life  and 

Letters  of,  with  a  new  edition  of  his  works,  collected 

and  revised  by  H.  C.  Foxcroft,  2  vols.      London,  1898. 
Hearne,  Thomas,  Life  of,  in  Lives  of  Leland,  Hearne  and  Wood, 

ed.  by  Warton  and  Huddesford.     Oxford,  1772. 
Henry,  Matthew,  Rev.,  Miscellaneous  Works.     London,  1830. 
Heywood,  Oliver,  Life,  by  J.  Fawcett,  1796?,  Ewood  Hall,  near 

Halifax. 

Life,  by  Richard  Slate,  in  Works,  1825-7.     London. 

Hickes,  George,  titular  Bishop  of  Thetford,  unfinished  Life  to  1689, 

followed  by  a  complete  list  of  works  in  Bodleian  MS. 

Engl.  Misc.  e.  4. 
Higgons,  Bevill,  Historical  Works,  2  vols,  1736. 
Hodgkin,  J.  E.,  Hist.  MSS.  Commission  Report  XV.     App.  Pt.  2. 

London,  1897. 
Hooper,   George,    Bishop    of    Bath    and    Wells,   Works,   2   vols. 

Oxford,  1858. 

A  short  Character  of,  from  Hist's  Journal.     London,  1730. 

Howe,  John,  Whole  Works,  with  a  Memoir  of  the  Author,  8  vols. 

London,  1822. 
Johnson,  John,  of  Cranbrook,  Life,  by  T.  Brett.     London,  1748. 

Theological  Works,  2  vols.     Oxford,  1847. 

The  Clergyman's  Vade  Mecum,  2  vols.     London,  1731. 

Ken,  Thomas,  Bishop  of  Bath  and  Wells,  Works.     London,  1721. 

Prose  Works,  collected  by  J.  H.  Round.     London,  1838. 

Kennet,   White,   Bishop  of    Peterborough,    Complete   History  of 

England  (Vol.  m.),  3  vols.     London,  1719. 

Ecclesiastical    Synods    and    Parliamentary    Convocations. 

London,  1701. 

Life  of  the  Right  Rev.  Dr.  White-Kennett.     London,  1730. 

Kettlewell,  John,  B.D.,  Works,  2  vols.     London,  1719. 

[Vol.  1.  includes  Life  by  Dr.  Francis  Lee] . 
Lake,   Edward,   D.D.,    Sixteen   Sermons  Preached   upon   Several 

Occasions.     London,  1705. 
Leland,  John,  D.D.,  A  Defence  of  Christianity,  2  vols,  London,  1753. 

A  View  of  the  Principal  Deistical  Writers,  and  an  Introduc- 

tion, London,  1837. 

Discourses,  with  Life,  4  vols.     London,  1768-9. 

Le  Neve,  John,  The  Lives  and   Characters  of  all  the  Protestant 
Bishops  since  the  Reformation.     London,  1720. 

Fasti  Ecclesiae  Anglicanae.     London,  1716. 

Monumenta  Anglicana,  8  vols.     London,  1717-19.      y 

Leslie,  Charles,  Theological  Works,  7  vols.     Oxford,  1832. 

[Vol.  1.  includes  his  Life]. 
Locke,  John,  Works,  tenth  edition,  10  vols.     London,  1801. 
Lucas,  Edmund,  Practical  Christianity.     London,  1700. 

An  Enquiry  after  Happiness,  in  three  parts,  2  vols.  London, 

1764. 


\u*A"V 


88  THE   IMPORTANCE   OF   THE    REIGN   OF 

Lucas,  Edward,  Sermons  Preached  on  Several  Occasions,  2  vols 
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Sermons    on     Several    Occasions    and     Subjects,    2    vols. 

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by  Francis  Hall,  Bishop  of  Chichester.    London,  1712. 
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QUEEN    ANNE    IN    ENGLISH    CHURCH    HISTORY     89 

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go      THE  IMPORTANCE  OF  THE  REIGN  OF 

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Letters,  Unpublished,  ed.  by  B.  Meil.     London,  1899. 

Tenison,   Thomas,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,   Memoirs  of  Life, 

Anon.     London,  1716. 
Thoresby,  Ralph,  Diary,  1677— 1724,  ed.  Rev.  Joseph  Hunter,  2 
vols.     London,  1830. 


QUEEN   ANNE   IN    ENGLISH    CHURCH    HISTORY     gi 

Tillotson,  John,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  Works,  etc.,  12  vols. 
London,  1757. 

Life  of,  by  Dr.  T.  Birch,  2nd  edition.     London,  1753, 

Toland,  John,  Collection  of  Several  Pieces,  with  Memoirs,  2  vols. 
London,  1726. 

Trelawny  MSS.  in  Hist.  MSS.  Commission  Report  I.,  pp.  50-2. 
London,  1870. 

Trelawny  Papers,  Camden  Miscellany,  Vol.  II.     London,  1853. 

Townsend,  Marquis  of,  Hist.  MSS.  Commission  Report  XL,  App. 
Part  4,  pp.  48-98.     London,  1897. 

Wake,  William,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  The  Authority  of  Chris- 
tian Princes.     London,  1697. 

The  State  of  the  Church  and  Clergy  of  England  in  the  Con-  y 

vocation.     London,  1703. 

Sermons    and   Discourses  on   Several   Occasions,    3   vols. 

London,  1717-22. 
Walpole,  Robert,  Earl  of  Orford,  Memoirs,  with  Correspondence, 
ed.  by  the  same,  Vol.  1.     London,  1798. 

A  Short  History  of  the  Parliament.     London,  1713. 

[A  pamphlet  attributed  to  Walpole]  . 
Ward,  John,  Vicar  of  Stratford-on-Avon,  Diary,  arranged  by  C. 

Severn.     London,  1839. 
Watts,  Isaac,  Works,  9  vols.     London,  1812. 

Nine  Sermons.     Oxford,  1812. 

Wells,  Edward,  Treatises,  etc.     Oxford,  1707. 

The  Rich  Man's  Duty.     London,  1715. 

Wentworth  Papers,  The,  Correspondence  of  Thomas  Wentworth, 
Lord  Raby,  created  Earl  of  Stafford,  ed.  J.  J.  Cart- 
wright.     London,  1883. 

Wharton,  Thomas,  First  Marquis  of,  Memoirs  of  Life,  with 
Speeches,  ed.  by  Sir  R.  Steele.     London,  1745. 

Wilkins,  David,  Concilia  Magna  Britanniae,  4  vols.    London,  1737. 

Williams,  John,  Bishop  of  Chichester,  Twelve  Sermons.  London, 
1708. 

Wilson,  Thomas,  Bishop  of  Sodor  and  Man,  Works  (with  Life  by 
Rev.  C.  Crutwell),  4  vols.     Bath,  1796-97. 

The  Principles  and  Duties  of  Christianity.     London,  1738. 

Woodward,   Josiah,   D.D.     The  Young  Man's  Monitor,  13th  ed. 

London,  1802. 

Fair  Warning  to  a  Careless  World.     London,  1707. 

The  Boyle  Lectures  of  1710.     London,  1712. 


Section  "  B  "  contains  a  list  of  secondary  authorities  for 
the  period. 

Abbey,  C.  J.,  and  J.  H.  Overton,  The  English  Church  in  the  17th 

Century.     London,  1904. 
The   English   Church  and  its  Bishops,   1700-1800. 

London,  1887. 


92      THE  IMPORTANCE  OF  THE  REIGN  OF 

Addison,  Joseph,  Life  of,  by  Lucy  Aikin,  2  vols.     London,  1843. 

Anderson,  J.  S.  M.,  History  of  the  Colonial  Church,  3  vols.  Lon- 
don, 1856. 

Anne,  Queen,  Life  of,  by  Herbert  Paul.     London,  1906. 

Arbuthnot,  John,  Life  of,  by  G.  A.  Aitken.     London,  1892. 

Atterbury,  Francis,  Life  of,  by  Dean  Beeching.     London,  1909. 

Babington,  C  ,  Criticism  of  Macaulay's  Character  of  the  Clergy. 
London,  1849. 

Bolingbroke,  Viscount,  Life  of,  by  Oliver  Goldsmith,  new  edition. 
London,  1809. 

and  his  Times,  by  W.  Sichel.     London,  1901. 

by  R.  Harrop.     London,  1884. 

Brosch,    Moritz,    Bolingbroke  und  die  Whigs  und  Tories  seiner 

Zeit.     Frankfort,  1883. 
Buckle,  H.  T.,  History  of  Civilisation  in  England,  new  ed.,  3  vols. 

London,  1872. 
Burnet,  Bishop,  Life  of,  by  Clarke  and  Foxcroft.    Cambridge,  1907. 
Burton,  J.  H.,  History  of  the  Reign  of  Queen  Anne,  3  vols.     Lon- 
don, 1880. 
Campagnac,  E.  T.,  The  Cambridge  Platonists.     Oxford,  1901. 
Coleridge,  S.  T.(  Notes  on  English  Divines,  ed.    D.  Coleridge,  2 

vols.     London,  1853. 
Conway,  B.  K.,  History  of  English  Philanthropy.     London,  1905. 
Debary,  T.,  History  of  the  Church  of  England  from  1685  to  1717. 

London,  i860. 
Godolphin,  Sidney,  Earl  of,  Life,  by  H.  Elliott.     London,  1888. 
Hallam,  Henry,  Constitutional  History  of  England.    London,  1827. 
Harley,  Robert,  Earl  of  Oxford,  Life,  by  E.  S.  Roscoe.     London, 

1902. 
Hawkins,  Ernest,  Historical  Notices  of  Missions.     London,  1845. 
Head,  F.  W.,  The  Fallen  Stuarts.     Cambridge,  1901. 
Hook,  W.   F.,  Dean  of  Chichester,  Lives  of  the  Archbishops  of 

Canterbury,  12  vols.     London,  1860-84. 
Howe,  John,  Life  and  Character  of,  by  H.  Rogers,  new  ed.     Lon- 
don, 1863. 
Hunt,  John,  Religious  Thought  in  England  from  the  Reformation 

to  the  End  of  the  Last  Century,   2  vols.     London, 

1870-1. 
Hunter,  J.,  Rise  of  the  Old  Dissent,  Exemplified  in  the  Life  of 

O.  H.     London,  1842. 
Hutton,  W.  H.,  The  English  Church,  1625-1714.     London,  1903. 
Ken,  Thomas,  Bishop  of  Bath  and  Wells,  Life  of,  by  the  Rev. 

W.  L.  Bowles,  2  vols.     London,  1830-31. 

Life  of,  by  a  Layman.     London,  1851. 

Klopp,  Onno,  Der  Fall  des  Hauses  Stuart,  14  vols.    Vienna,  1875-88. 
Lathbury,  Thomas,  History  of  the  Convocation  of  the  Church  of 
England.     London,  1842. 

History  of  the  Non-Jurors.     London,  1845. 

Leadam,  I.  S.  Political  History  of  England,  1702-1760.  London, 
1909. 


QUEEN   ANNE    IN    ENGLISH    CHURCH    HISTORY     93 

Lecky,  W.  E.  H.  History  of  England  in  the  18th  Century  (Vol.  I.). 

London,  1897. 

History  of  Rationalism,  cheap  edition.     London,  1910. 

Mc'Arthy,  Justin,  History  of  the  Reign  of  Queen  Anne.     London, 

1905. 
Macaulay ,  Lord,  Essays,  Vol.  v-viii.  of  Works,  1866  edition.  London, 

1866. 

History  of  England,  5  vols.     London,  1850. 

Marlborough,  Sarah,  Duchess  of,  Life,  by  Mrs.  Arthur  Colville. 

London,  1904. 
Miall,  J.  G.  Congregationalism  in  Yorkshire.     London,  1868. 
Overton,  J.    H.,   Wiliam  Law,   Nonjuror  and   Mystic,   his  Life. 

London,  1881. 

Life  in  the  English  Church,  1660-1714.     London,  1885. 

The  Nonjurors.     London,  1902. 

Overton,  J.  H.  and  F.  Relton,  The  English  Church,  1714-1800. 
London,  1906. 

Palin,  William,  History  of  the  English  Church,  from  the  Revolu- 
tion to  the  last  act  of  Convocation.     London,  1851. 

Palmer,  Rev.  Simon,  Nonconformist's  Memorial,  2  vols.     London, 

1775- 
Pascoe,  C.  F.,  Two  Hundred  Years  of  the  S.  P.  G.   [1701-1900]. 

London,  1901. 
Pattison,  Mark,  Essays,  2  vols.     Oxford,  1889. 
Perry,  Canon,  History  of  the  Church  of  England,  3  vols.     London, 

1 861. 
Ranke,    Leopold   Von,    History    of    England,    Principally  in    the 

Seventeenth  Century,  6  vols.     Oxford,  1875. 
Schlosser,   F.   C,   History  of  the   18th   Century.     Translated  by 

D.  Davison  (Vol.  I.).     London,  1843. 
Secretan,  C.  F.,  Life  of  Robert  Nelson.     London,  i860. 
Sewell,  William,  History  of  the  Quakers,  2  vols.     London,  1795. 
Simon,  J.  S.  Revival  of  Religion  in  England  in  the  18th  Century. 

London,  1907. 
Society  for   Promoting   Christian   Knowledge,    Past    and   Present 

(1698-1861).     London,  1861. 
Somerville,  Thomas,  History  of  Great  Britain  during  the  Reign  of 

Queen  Anne.     London,  1798. 
Stanhope,  Philip   Henry,  Earl,  History   of  the  Reign   of  Queen 

Anne.     London,  1872. 
Steele,  Sir  Richard,  Life  of,  by  G.  A.  Aitken.     London,  1889. 
Stoughton,  J.  Religion  in  England,   1702-1800,  Vol.   1.     London, 

1878. 
Strickland,  Miss  A.,  Lives  of  the  Queens  of  England  (Vol.  12). 

London,  1849. 

Lives  of  the  Seven  Bishops.     London,  1866. 

Swift,  Jonathan,   Dean  of  St.   Patrick's,  Life,  by  Sir   H.   Craik, 

2  vols.     London,  1894. 
Life  of,  by  Thomas  Sheridan.     London,  1784. 

Life  of,  by  Leslie  Stephen.     London,  1882. 


94  THE    IMPORTANCE    OF   THE    REIGN    OF 

Swift,  Lecture  on,  in  English  Humourists  of  the  18th  Century,  by 

W.  M.  Thackeray. 
Teal,  W.  H.,  Lives  of  English  Laymen.     London,  1842. 
Tulloch,  John,    National  Theology  and  Christian   Philosophy  in 

the  17th  Century,  2  vols.     London,  1892. 
Waddington,   J.,    Congregational    History,    1567-1700.      London, 

1874. 
Ward,  A.  W.,  History  of  Dramatic  Literature  in   the   Reign   of 

Queen  Anne.      1878. 
Warneck,  S.,  History  of  the  Protestant   Missions,  translated  by 

S.  Robson.     Edinburgh  and  London,  1906. 
Wren,    Sir  Christopher,  and  his  times,  by  J.   Elmer.     London, 

1852. 
Wyon,  F.  W.,  History  of  Great  Britain  under  Queen  Anne,  2  vols. 

London,  1876. 
[See  also  for  the  chief  men  of  the  period  the  Dictionary  of 
National  Biography] . 


Under  the  next  six  heads  an  attempt  has  been  made  to 
classify  some  of  the  pamphlet  literature  bearing  on 
the  subject  of  the  Essay.  The  Collection  used  is  in 
the  main  that  of  the  Ryland's  Library,  Manchester. 

Section  "  C "  indicates  the  pamphlets  useful  for  the 
first  portion  of  the  Essay. 

The  Glorious  Memory  of  a  Faithful  Prince.  J.  J.  Caesar.  Lon- 
don, 1702. 

Tom  Double  returned  out  of  the  Country  [by  Charles  Davenant] . 
London,  1702. 

The  New  Association.  Written  by  Charles  Leslie,  3rd  ed.  Lon- 
don, 1702. 

The  Old  and  Modern  Whig.     London,  1702. 

A  Debate  between  Three  Ministers  of  State.     London,  1702. 

Division  our  Destruction.     [Defoe?].     London,  1702. 

Reflections  upon  a  late  Paper.     London,  1702. 

The  Quaker,  no  Occasional  Conformist.     London,  1703. 

Some  Remarks  on  the  late  Letter.     By  Rev.  John  Sage.     1703. 

The  Exorbitant  Grants  of  William  III.     2nd  ed.     London,  1705. 

A  Sermon.     By  Ofspring  Blackall.     London,  1704. 

Helter-Skelter,  or  The  Devil  between  Two  Sticks.     London,  1703. 

A  Hymn  to  Victory.     Defoe.     London,  1704. 

A  Letter  from  a  Member  of  Parliament.  By  Sir  H.  Mackworth. 
London,  1704. 

True  State  of  the  Controversy  between  the  Present  Bishop  and 
Dean  of  Carlisle.     London,  1704. 

2nd  edition,  to  which  is  added  A  Letter  from  the  South. 

London,  1705. 

Cassandra  [by  Charles  Leslie].     2  parts  in  1.     London,  1704-5. 


( 


QUEEN   ANNE    IN   ENGLISH   CHURCH    HISTORY     95 

Mr.  Sacheverell's  Assize  Sermon  .  .  .  Examined.    London,  1704. 

Letter  to  a  Friend  concerning  the  new  distinction  of  High  and  Low 
Church.     London,  1704. 

An  Elegy  on  the  Burning  of  the  Church  Memorial.     1705. 

Daniel  the  Prophet  no  Conjuror.     London,  1705. 

Memorial  of  the  State  of  England.     London,  1705. 

Memorial  of  the  Church  of  England.     London,  1705. 

Letter  to  the  Author  of  the  Memorial  of  the  State.     London,  1705. 

The  New  Association.     Part  2,  2nd  ed.     London,  1705. 

The  Reduction  of  Scotland  by  Arms.     London,  1705. 

Letter  to  the  Author  of  the  Memorial  .  .  .  Answered.   London,  1706. 

Articles  of  the  Treaty  of  Union.     London,  1706. 

A  Short  Letter  to  the  Glasgow  Men.     1706. 

The  Lord  Beilhaven's  Speech.     1706. 

Journal  of  the  Commissioners  in  the  Treaty  of  Union.  Edinburgh, 
1706. 

A  Warning  for  the  Church  of  England.     London,  1706. 

Sermon  ...  at  the  Mercat-Cross.     London,  1707. 

A  Sermon.  By  the  Bishop  of  Oxford,  on  May  1st,  1707.  London, 
1707. 

A  Thanksgiving  Sermon.     By  Daniel  Williams.     London,  1707. 

Two  Great  Questions  considered.     1707. 

A  Sermon  of  Thanksgiving  before  the  Queen.  By  Burnet.  Lon- 
don, 1707. 

One  Nation,  and  one  King.     By  John  Edwards.     London,  1707. 

A  Sermon.     By  John  Ollyffe.     London,  1707. 

A  Thanksgiving  Sermon.     By  Giles  Dent.     London,  1707. 

A  Sermon.     By  Richard  Allen.     London,  1707. 

A  Sermon.     By  T.  Manningham.     London,  1707. 

A  Thanksgiving  Sermon.     By  J.  Bates.     London,  1707. 

A  Sermon.     By  Joseph  Stennett.     London,  1707. 

The  Blessings  of  the  Sixth  Year.  By  the  Bishop  of  Carlisle.  Edin- 
burgh, 1707. 

A  Thanksgiving  Sermon.     By  Chr.  Taylor.     London,  1707. 

An  Answer  to  Dr.  Sacheverell's  Sermon.  By  White  Kennett. 
London,  1709. 

The  Peril  of  being  Zealously  Afflicted,  but  not  Well.    London,  1709. 

Blenheim,  A  Poem.     London,  1709. 

Remarks  on  Dr.  Sach 's  Sermon.     W.  Bisset.     London,  1709. 

The  Whigs  have  lost  their  Smell.     [London,  1710.] 

The  History  of  Resistance  as  practised  by  the  Church  of  England. 
John  Withers.     London,  1710. 

True,  Genuine,  Tory  Address  [by  B.  Hoadly] .     [London]  1710. 

Thoughts  of  an  Honest  Tory  [by  Benj.  Hoadly].     London,  1710. 

Remarks  on  .  .  .  the  Bishop  of  Salisbury's  Speech.  Notting- 
ham, 1710. 

Serious  Advice  to  the  Good  People  of  England  [by  B.  Hoadly] . 
[London]  1710. 

Reflections  on  Dr.  Sacheverell's  Answer.     London,  1710. 

The  Secret  History  of  Arlus.     [London]  1710. 


96  THE    IMPORTANCE    OF   THE    REIGN    OF 

Reasons  for  a  Total  Change  of  a  Certain  M  [inistry] .   London,  [1710]. 
The  Playhouse  Scuffle.     London,  1710. 

Priestcraft  in  Perfection  [by  Anthony  Collings] .     London,  1710. 
The  Impartial,  Secret  History  of  Arlus.     1710. 
A  Letter  concerning  Allegiance  [by  B.  Hoadly  ?] .     London,  1710. 
A  Caveat  against  the  Whigs  [by  Charles  Hornby] .     London,  1710. 
Diologue  betwixt  Whig  and  Tory.     London,  1710. 
A  Seasonable  and  Modest  Apology.     London,  1710. 
True  Passive  Obedience  Restored.     London,  1710. 
Refutation  of  Doctrine  of  Passive  Obedience.     London,  1710. 
The  Mobb's  Address  to  my  Lord  M — .     1710. 

The  French  King's  Thanks  to  the  Tories  [by  B.  Hoadley]  .     [Lon- 
don] 1710. 
The  Fears  and  Sentiments  of  all  True  Britains  [by  B.  Hoadly] . 

London,  1710. 
Faults  on  Both  Sides.     London,  1710. 
Faults  on  Both  Sides  [by  Richard  Harley] ,  by  way  of  Answer  to 

The  Thoughts  of  an  Honest  Tory.     London,  1710. 
The  Good  Old  Cause  or  Lying  in  Truth.  By  Misodolus.  London, 1710. 
Serious  Enquiry  into  the  present  state  of  the  Church  of  England 

[by  Benj.  Hoadly].     London,  1711. 
The  Thoughts  of  a  Church  of  England  Divine.     London,  171 1. 
Answer  to  a  Letter  to  Mr.  Hoadly  entitled  Faith  and  Obedience. 

London,  1711. 
Eleven  Opinions  about  Mr.  Harley.     London,  171 1. 
No  Queen,  or  No  General.     London,  1712. 
Law  is  a  Bottomless  Pit.     London,  1712. 
Complete  Key  to  Law  is  .  .   .     London,  1712. 
Salt  for  the  Leach  .  .  .     2nd  ed.     London,  1712. 
The  Life  of  the  Reverend  and  Learned  Mr.  John  Sage  [by  John 

Gillan] .     London,  1714. 
A  Sermon  .    .   .  before  the   House  of  Commons.      T.  Sherlock. 

London,  1714. 
The  Mourning  Prophet.     By  E  [dward]  W  [ard] .     London,  1714. 
Vindication  of  the  Right  Reverend  the  Lord  Bishop  of  Norwich 

[by  John  Lewis] .     London,  1714. 
A  Vindication  of  the  Earl  of  Oxford.     1 7 15. 
An  Account  of  the  Conduct  of  Robert,   Earl  of  Oxford    [by  D. 

Defoe?].     London,  1715. 
The  Trial  of  Robert,  Earl  of  Harley.     London,  1717. 


Section   "  D "  indicates  the  pamphlets  useful  for  the 
second  portion  of  the  Essay. 

TOLERATION,  etc 

Enquiry  into  the  Occasional  Conformity  of  Dissenters.     By  Daniel 

Defoe.     London,  1697. 
Letter  to  a  Member  of  Parliament,  shewing  that  a  restraint  of  the 

Press  .  .  .  1698. 
A  Third  Narrative.     By  George  Keith.     London,  1698. 


QUEEN    ANNE    IN    ENGLISH    CHURCH    HISTORY     97 

An   Epistle  to  the  People  called   Quakers.      Everard    Margaret. 

London,  1699. 
Some  Remarks  on  .  .  .  Mr.  Henry  Cornish.     By  White  Kennett. 

London,  1699. 
A  Profession  of  Faith.     By  E.  S.     London,  1700. 
A  List  of  the  Monasterys,  Nunnerys  and  Colleges.     London,  1700. 
Letter  to  the  Reverend  Lord  Bishops  of  his  Province,  concerning 

the  late  Act  against  Popery.     London,  1700. 
Answer  to  some  Queries  [by  Henry  Gandy] .     London,  1700. 
Appeal  to  all  Protestant  Kings.     London,  1700. 

A  Tract  concerning  Schism  and  Schismatics.     By  J.  Hales.     Lon- 
don, 1700. 
Letter  in  Vindication  of  the  Answer  to  the   Queries    [by  Henry 

Gandy].     London,   1701. 
A  Bill  .  .  .  for  Preventing  Occasional  Conformity.     London,  1702. 
An  Account  of  the  Proceedings  of  the  Lords.     London,  1702. 
Three  Questions.     London,  1702. 
The  Danger  of  Priestcraft.     London,  1702. 
The  Case  fairly  stated.     London.  1702. 
The  Case  of  Toleration  recognized.     London,  1702. 
An  Enquiry  into  Occasional  Conformity.     London,  1702. 
Present  Danger  of  Popery  in  England.     London,  1703. 
Reflections  upon  .  .  .  a  .  .  .  Pamphlet  entitul'd  The  Shortest  Way 

with  the  Dissenters  (with  the  said  Pamphlet  entire).     Lon- 
don, 1703. 
Draught  of  an  Act  for  Toleration.     1703. 
Contra  Torrentem  Brachia.     London,  1703. 
Meldrum — Sermon  preached  in  Edinburgh.     1703. 
The  Reduction  of  Episcopacy.     Edinburgh,  1703. 
A  few  Brief  and  Modest  Reflections.     1703. 
A  Full  and  Final  Answer.     Edinburgh,  1703. 
A  Vindication  and  Defence.     Edinburgh,  1703. 
The  Fox  with  his  Firebrand  Unkennell'd.     London,  1703. 
A   Defence   of  the   Dissenters'    Education.      By   Samuel   Palmer. 

London,  1703. 
The  Interest  of  England  considered.     2nd  ed.     London,  1703. 
A  Defence  of  the  Letter  concerning  the  Education  of  Dissenters. 

By  Samuel  Wesley.     London,  1704. 
The  Orator  Displayed.     London,  1704. 
Expostulatory  Letters.     London,  1704. 
A  Letter  from  a  Country  Divine  .   .   .  concerning  the  Education  of 

the  Dissenters.     By  S.  Wesley.     2nd  ed.     London,  1704. 
The  Wolf  Stript.     4th  ed.     London,  1704. 
The  Bishop  of  Salisbury's  Proper  Defence.     London,  1704. 
A  Vindication  of  the  Learning  ...  of  the  Dissenters.     By  Samuel 

Palmer.     London,  1705. 
Review  of  the  Dangers  of  the  Church.     [A  pamphlet  by  J.  Drake 

and  H.  Pooley] .     London,  1705. 
An    Essay   towards    a    Proposal    fcr    Catholic    Communion    .    .    . 

Answered.     By  Nath.  Spinckes.     London,  1705. 


98      THE  IMPORTANCE  OF  THE  REIGN  OF 

Reasons  why  several  of  the  Clergy  .  .  .     [London?  1705] . 

Occasional  Thoughts  upon  the  Memorial  of  the  Church  of  England. 
London,  1705. 

Moderation  Vindicated.     London,  1705. 

The  Devil  upon  Dun.     [London]  1705. 

The  Sequel.     London,  1705. 

The  Countryman's  Remembrances.     London,  1705. 

The  Experiment.     London,  1705. 

The  Covenant  to  be  the  Lord's  People.  By  Joseph  Jacobs.  Lon- 
don. 1706. 

The  Danger  of  the  Church  of  England.     London,  1706. 

Ecclesiae  versae,  non  eversae.     London,  1707. 

Answer  to  a  late  pamphlet  entitled  "The  Experiment."  London, 
1707. 

An  Account  of  the  Government  of  the  Church  of  Scotland.  Lon- 
don, 1708. 

Annus  Secundus  Mirabilis.     London,  1708. 

Remarks  on  the  Rehearsal.     London,  1708. 

Danger  of  Moderation.     London,  1708. 

The  Scot's  Narrative  Examined.     London,  1709. 

The  Modern  Fanatic.     By  W.  Bisset.     London,  1710. 

Disputes  Review'd.     By  Matthew  Henry.     London,  1710. 

The  Counter-Queries,  Queried  again.     1710. 

Enquiry  into  the  Present  Duty  of  a  Low  Churchman  [by  James 
Peirce] .     London,  1712. 

Sermon  to  the  Societies  for  Reformation  of  Manners.  Lon- 
don,  1712. 

Popery  and  Spiritual  Tyranny  [by  Matthew  Henry] .    London,  1712. 

A  Humble  Address  to  the  Princes  and  States  of  Europe.  W.  Whis- 
ton.     London,  1714. 

The  Interest  of  England  in  Relation  to  Protestant  Dissenters.  Lon- 
don, 1714. 

Letter  from  a  Layman  [by  J.  S.  Barrington,  Viscount].  London, 
1714. 

Dr.  Brett's  Vindication.     London,  1715. 


Section   "E"  indicates  the  pamphlets  useful  for  the 
third  portion  of  the  Essay. 

EVANGELICALISM,  etc 
Advice  to  the  Clergy  of  the  Diocese"  of  Lincoln.      J.   Gardiner, 

Bishop  of  Lincoln.     London,  1697. 
A  Plain  Man's  Essay  for  England's  Prosperity.     London,  1698. 
A  Persuasive  to  Frequent  Communion.     By  John,  late  Archbishop 

of  Canterbury.     London,  1698. 
A  Sermon  concerning  Reformation  of  Manners.     By  S.  Wesley. 
London,  1698. 
"\    Letter  to  the  Right  Reverend  the  Lord  Bishops  of  his  Province. 
T.  Tenison.     London,  1699. 


Y: 


QUEEN   ANNE   IN   ENGLISH   CHURCH    HISTORY    99 

Discourse  concerning  Meekness.  By  Matthew  Henry.  Lon- 
don,  1699. 

Sermon  on  Acts  xxviii.,  22.     By  Matthew  Henry.     London,  1699. 

The  Poor  Man's  Plea.     Defoe.     London,  1700. 

Essays  concerning  Excommunication.  Ed.  Hickeringhall.  Lon- 
don  [1700?]. 

An  Account  of  the  Societies  for  Reformation  of  Manners.  Lon- 
don, 1700. 

Letter  from  a  Clergyman  in  the  Diocese  of  Bath  and  Wells. 
[London]  1701. 

A  Sermon  preach'd  at  .  .  .  Sarum.     By  T.  Naish.     London,  1701. 

Reasonableness  of  the  Augmentation  of  Poor  Vicarages  [by  Thomas 
Breck].     Cambridge,  1702. 

Some  Expedients  without  which  .  .  .     London,  1703. 

The  Form  of  Dedication  and  Consecration  of  a  Church,  etc.  Lon- 
don, 1703. 

Articles  concerning  Matters  Ecclesiastical.  J.  Gardiner,  Bishop  of 
Lincoln.     London,  1703. 

The  Resolution  of  a  Case  of  Conscience  [by  Samuel  Grascome] . 
London,  1703. 

A  Sermon.     Auchinleck.     Edinburgh,  1704. 

Principle  of  the  Protestant  Reformation.     London,  1704. 

A  Sermon  concerning  the  right  Managements  of  Friendly  Visits. 
By  Matthew  Henry.     London,  1704. 

A  Church  in  the  House.     By  Matthew  Henry.     London,  1704. 

Plain  English.     5th  ed.     London,  1704. 

A  Disswasive  from  Gaming.     London,  1704. 

Eleventh  Conference  with  his  Clergy.  H.  Compton,  Bishop  of 
London.     London,  1704. 

The  Case  of  Impropriations.     White  Kennett.     London,  1704. 

An  Account  of  the  Methods  whereby  Charity  Schools  .  .  .  Lon- 
don, 1705. 

A  Vindication  of  the  Apostles.     London,  1705. 

An  Earnest  Perswasive  to  the  Serious  Observance  of  the  Lord's 
Day.     1705. 

A  Short  Answer  to  the  Objections.     1705. 

A  Disswasive  from  the  horrid  and  beastly  Sin  of  Drunkenness. 
London,  1705. 

A  Short  Disswasive  from  the  Sin  of  Uncleanness.    London,  1705. 

A  Kind  Caution  to  Prophane  Swearers.     London,  1705. 

Sermon,  Judges  v.,  8  [Soc.  Ref.  Manners] .  By  W.  Nicolson, 
Archbishop  of  Cashel.     London,  1706. 

M.  J.,  Presbyter  of  the  Church  of  England :  A  Humble  Proposal. 
London,  1706. 

The  Excellency  of  the  Duty  of  Religious  Unity.     London,  1706. 

A  Sermon  ...  at  the  Funeral  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  James  Owen.  By 
Matthew  Henry.     London,  1706. 

The  Case  of  the  Curate  of  Penrith.     London,  1707. 

An  Answer  ...  to  the  Case  of  the  Curate  of  Penrith.  Hugh  Todd. 
London,  1707. 


100  THE    IMPORTANCE    OF   THE    REIGN    OF 

Charge  to  the  Clergy  of  his  Diocese.    By  W.  Wake.    London,  1707. 

A  Sermon  preached  at  the  Funeral  of  William,  Duke  of  Devonshire. 
White  Kennett.     London,  1708. 

St.  James's  Park.     A  Satyr.     London,  1709. 

The  Case  of  the  Indigent  Poor  considered.     John  Bellers.     [Lon- 
'     don]  1709. 

Articles  of  Visitation.  William  Wake,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury. 
[London]  1709. 

Letter  to  the  Clergy  of  his  Diocese.  William  Wake.  [London, 
1709]. 

Remarks  upon  .  .  .  Dr.  Edward's  Preacher.  Robert  Lightfoot. 
London,  1709. 

A  Charge  delivered  to  the  Clergy  of  the  Diocese  of  Norwich. 
Charles  Trimnell.     London,  1710. 

A  Sermon  concerning  the  Work  ...  of  the  Ministry.  By  M. 
Henry.     London,  1710. 

Dr.  Edward's  Vindication  consider'd.  Robert  Lightfoot.  Lon- 
don, 1710. 

A  Sermon  preach 'd  before  the  House  of  Commons.  Andrew 
Snape.     London,   171 1. 

Her  Majesties  Most  Gracious  Letter  to  the  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury.    London  [1711]. 

Charge  to  the  Clergy  of  his  Diocese  [by  Chas.  Trimnell,  Bp.  of 
Worcester].     London,  1712. 

Ecclesiastical  Self-Seeking :  A  Visitation  Sermon.  Edward  Sym- 
mons.     London,  1712. 

The  Poor  Vicar's  Plea  against  his  Glebes.     London,  1712. 

Articles  of  Visitation  and   Enquiry  exhibited  to  Ministers,  etc. 
T.  Tenison.     [London]  1713. 

A  Funeral  Sermon  upon  Mr.  Noble.     London,  1713. 

A  Scripture  Catechism.     By  Matthew  Henry.     London,  1714. 

A  Church  of  England  Man's  Serious  Thoughts  upon  the  Bill 
Against  Dissenting  Schoolmasters.  [Signed  H.  B.]  Lon- 
don, 1714. 

A  Funeral  Sermon  ...  on  Rev.  John  Russell.  By  J.  Nesbitt. 
London,  1714. 

Funeral  Sermon  on  Mr.  Henry.      [By  J.  Reynolds.     London,  1714. 

By  D.  Williams.     London,  1714. 

By  W.  Tong.     London,  1714. 

On  Mr.  Billio  and  Mr.  Henry.    By  J.  Bates     London,  1714. 

On  .   .   .  John  Hoskyns.     By  John  Sprint.     London,  1714. 

Charge,     at    his    Primary    Visitation.        By    George    Smalridge. 

Oxford,  1716. 
Of  Visitations,  Parochial  and  General.     By  Ed.  Gibson.     London, 

1717. 
The  Standing  Orders  and  Resolutions  of  the  S.P.C.K.    London,  1717. 
See  the  British  Museum  Catalogue  under  London,  p.  286 — 293, 
for  publications  relating  to  the  Religious  Societies. 

For  Dr.  T.  Bray  see  British   Museum   Catalogue,   "  Brav — 
Bretz,  p.  11 — 13. 


QUEEN   ANNE    IN    ENGLISH    CHURCH    HISTORY     IOI 

Section  "  F "  indicates  the  pamphlets  useful  for  the 
fourth  portion  of  the  Essay. 

CONVOCATION. 

Reflections  on  a  Book  entitled,  "  The  Rights    .    .    ."     By  Gilbert, 

Bishop  of  Sarum.     London,  1700. 
The  Power  of  the  Lower  House  of  Convocation  to  adjourn  itself 

[by  Francis  Atterbury] .     London,  1701. 
Narrative   of   the   Proceedings   of    the   Lower   House    [by   Henry 

Aldrich] .     London,  1701. 
Principles  of  Mr.  Atterbury's  Book  [by  Richard  West],  London, 

1701. 
The  Right  of  the  Archbishop  .  .  .  Asserted  in  a  Second  Letter. 

London,  1701. 
The  Schedule  Review'd  [by  Ed.  Gibson].     London,  1702. 
Vindicius  Liberius,  or  Mr.  Toland's  Defence.     London,  1702. 
Present  State  of  Convocation      London,  1702. 

The  Marks  of  a  Defenceless  Cause  [by  Ed.  Gibson] .    London,  1703. 
The  Pretended  Independence  of  the  Lower  House  [by  Ed.  Gibson] . 

London,  1703. 
Short  State  of  some  Present  Questions  in  Convocation    [by  Ed. 

Gibson] .     London,  1703. 
A  New  Danger  of  Presbytery.     London,  1703. 
An   Account  of  the   Proceedings   between  the  Two   Houses    [by 

Charles  Trimnell] .     London,  1704. 
A  Representation   made    by   the   Lower    House   of   Convocation. 

London,  1705,. 
The  Complainer  Reproved  [by  Ed.  Gibson] .     London,  1705. 
The  Complainer  Further  Reproved   [by  Ed.  Gibson].      London, 

1705- 
Collection  of  Papers  concerning  .  .  .  Convocation.     London,  1705. 
Proceedings  in  the  Present  Convocation.     London,  1706. 
An  Account  of  the  Proceedings  in  the  Convocation  which  began 

Oct.  25,  1705.     London,  1706. 
An  Account  and  Defence  of  the  Protestation  made  by  the  Lower 
/  House.     London,  1707. 

*     Circular  Letter  to  the  .  .  .  Bishops  of  his  Province.     T.  Tenison. 

London,  1707. 
An  Account  of  the  Convocation's  Proceedings  with  relation  to  Mr. 

Whiston.     London,  1711. 
Case   of  the  Present   Convocation   Consider'd    [by  W.  Wotton] . 

London,  171 1. 
Representation  of  the  Present  State  of  Religion.     London,  1711. 
The  Nation  Vindicated  [by  Matthew  Tindal] .     London,  171 1 — 12 
The  Doctrine  of  Remission  of  Sins  .  .  .  Vindicated.     By  Thomas. 

Brett.     London,  1712. 
\J  An  Account  of  the  Two  Motions  made  in  .  .  .  Convocation  Con- 
cerning the  Power  of  Remitting  Sins.     London,  1712. 
A  Speech  to  the  Upper  House  of  Convocation.     George  Smalridge. 

London,  1714. 


102  THE    IMPORTANCE    OF   THE    REIGN    OF 

Section   "  G "  indicates  the  pamphlets  useful  for  the 
fifth  portion  of  the  Essay. 

JACOBITISM. 

The  Present  State  of  Jacobitism  Considered.      By  D.  F.    [i.e.  D. 

Defoe].     London,  1 70 1. 
An  Argument  showing  that  the  Prince  of  Wales  ....  London,  1701 
A  Letter  to  a  Minister  of  State.     London,  1701. 
Animadversions  on  the  Two  Last  30th  of  January  Sermons.     1702. 
England's  Black  Tribunal.     4th  ed.     London,  1703. 
An  Impartial  Enquiry  into  the  Causes  of  Rebellion  ...  in  this 

Kingdom.     London,  1704. 
A  Discourse  of  a  Cavalier  Gentleman.     By  Don  A.  B.     London, 

1706. 
A  Sermon.     By  William,  Bishop  of  Lincoln.     London,  1708. 
The  Reasons  of  the  Absenting  Clergy.     London,  1710. 
The  Jacobitism,  Perjury  and  Popery  of  High  Church  Priests   [J. 

Toland].     London,  1710. 
Reasons  Against  Receiving  the  Pretender  [by  B.  Hoadly] .     Lon- 
don, 1710. 
The  Jacobite's  Hopes  Reviv'd  [by  B.  Hoadly].     London,  1710. 
The   Several  Declarations  made  in  Council  .  .  .  concerning  the 

Birth  of  the  Prince  of  Wales.     London  [171 1]  . 
Observations  on  the  Depositions  concerning  the  Birth  of  the  Prince 

of  Wales.     London,  191 1. 
Old  Stories  which  were  the  Forerunners  of  the  Revolution  in  '88 

Reviv'd.     London,  1711. 
The  Scotch  Medal  Decipher'd.     London,  171 1. 
Scotch  Loyalty  Exemplify'd.     London,  1711. 
The  Pretender,  an  Imposter.     London,  171 1. 
Full  Answer  to  the  Depositions  concerning  the  Birth.      [London] 

1711. 
Some  Queries  Proposed.     London,  1712. 
Character  of  a  Popish  Successour  [by  Elkanah  Settle] .     London, 

1712. 
The  French  King's  Promise  to  the  Pretender.     London,  1712. 
The   Pretender's   Declaration  Abstracted  from   Two  Anonymous 

Pamphlets.     [John  Asgill] .     London,  1713. 
A  Letter  to  the  Lord  Bishop  of  Carlisle.     By  W.  K.    [i.e.,  White 

Kennet.     London,  1713. 
Some  New  Proofs.     London,  1713. 

The  Pretender's  Declaration.     By  Mr.  Asgill.     London,  1713. 
More  Memoirs  on  The  Pretender.     London,  1713. 
The  Reason  and  Necessity  of  the  Duke  of  Cambridge's  coming 

to  .  .  .  Great  Britain.     London,  1714. 
Detection  of  the  Sophistry  .  .   .  of  .  .  .  the  Secret  History.     Lon- 
don, 1714. 
Memoirs  of  John,  Duke  of  Melfort.     1714. 
The  Revolution  and  Anti-Revolution  Principles.     London,  1714. 


QUEEN    ANNE    IN    ENGLISH    CHURCH    HISTORY     IO3 

Remarks  on  Mr.  Steele's  Crisis.     London,  1714. 

Britain's  Alarm  to  all  True  Protestants.     London,  1714. 

Considerations  upon  the  Secret  History  of  the  White  Staff.  Lon- 
don [1714] . 

Seasonable  Queries  relating  to  the  Birth  ...  of  a  certain  Person 
[The  Pretender] .     London.  1714. 

Hannibal  not  at  our  Gates.     London,  1714. 

A  Letter  from  the  Earl  of  Mar  to  the  King.  By  Sir  Richard 
Steele.     London,  1715. 

The  Case  of  the  Lord  Bolingbroke.     1715. 

A  Declaration  of  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury.     London,  1715. 

A  Defence  of  the  Church  of  England  and  the  Clergy.     London, 

I7I5- 

Remarks  on  The  Pretender's  Declaration.     London,  1715. 

A  Full  and  Authentic  Narrative  of  the  .  .  .  Conspiracy  and  In- 
vasion.    London,  1715. 

A  View  of  the  Scot's  Rebellion.     London,  1715. 


Section  "  H  "  indicates  the  pamphlets  useful  for  the 
sixth  portion  of  the  Essay. 

RATIONALISM,   etc. 

Christianity  not  Mysterious.     J.  Toland.     London,  1695. 
Animadversions  on  a  late  book  entituled  "The  Reasonableness  of 

Christianity  as  Delivered  in  the  Scriptures."    Oxford,  1697. 
Defence  of  Mr.  Toland,  in  a  Letter  to  Himself.     London,  1697. 
Remarks  upon  an  Essay  concerning  Human  Understanding.     By 

W.  Hayley.     London,  1697. 
A  Sermon  Preached  at  Cambridge.   By  Francis  Hutchinson.    Cam- 
bridge, 1698. 
An  Argument  proving   that  .  .  .  Man   may  be  Translated   from 

hence   into   that   Eternal    Life  without  passing   through 

Death.     [London?]  1700. 
Morosophomisos.     London,  1701. 

Reflections  upon  Mr.  Toland 's  book.  2nd  ed.  London,  1701. 
Letter  to  Mr.  Fleetwood  [by  Benj.  Hoadley] .  London,  1702. 
Defence  of  The  Right  Reverend  Lord  Bishop  of  Sarum   [by  Benj. 

Hoadley] .     London,  1703. 
My  Lord  of  Sarum's  Exposition.     London,  1703. 
A  Philosophical  Discourse  of  the  Nature  of  Rational  and  Irrational 

Souls.     London,  1704. 
Sermon  by  Henry  Walker.     Edinburgh,  1706. 
An  Essay  concerning  the  Use  of  Reason  in  Propositions.     London, 

1707. 
A  Sermon.     By  Tho.  Knaggs.     London,  1708. 
A  Short  View  of  the  Pretended  Spirit  of  Prophecy.    Loudon,  1708. 
A  Philosophical  Discourse  concerning  the  Natural  Immortality  of 
the  Soul.     London,  1708. 


104  QUEEN   ANNE   IN   ENGLISH   CHURCH   HISTORY 

A  Reply  to  Mr.  Clark's  Defence  of  his  Letter  to  Mr.  Dodwell.  By 
Anthony  Collins.     London,  1709. 

A  Letter  to  the  learned  Dodwell  By  Anthony  Collins.  London, 
1709. 

Essay  concerning  the  Use  of  Reason  in  Propositions,  the  Evidence 
whereof  Depends  upon  Human  Testimony  [by  Anthony 
Coilins] .     London,  1709. 

Reply  to  Mr.  Clark's  Defence  [by  Anthony  Collins] .  London, 
1709. 

Letter  to  the  learned  Mr.  Dodwell  [by  Anthony  Collins] .  London, 
1909. 

Misodolos.     The  Good  Old  Cause.   2  parts  in  1  vol.    London,  1710. 

New  Pretenders  to  Prophecy  examined  [by  Nath.  Spruckes] ,  Lon- 
don, 1710. 

Reflections  on  Mr.  Clark's  Second  Defence  [by  Anthony  Collins] . 
London,  1711. 

Answer  to  Mr.  Clark's  Third  Defence  [by  Anthony  Collins] .  Lon- 
don, 1711. 

A  Defence  of  the  Proceedings  against  Jane  Wenham.  Francis 
Bragge.     London,  1712. 

A  Discourse  for  the  Vindication  of  Christianity.  By  Dean  Prideaux. 
London,  1712. 

Witchcraft  further  Displayed.     By  F.  B.     London,  1712. 

Answer  to  that  Part  of  Dr.  Brett's  Sermon  which  relates  to  the 
Incapacity  of  Persons  not  Episcopally  Ordain'd  to  Ad- 
minister Christian  Baptism  [by  Arthur  Ashley  Sykes] . 
London,  1712. 

The  Impossibility  of  Witchcraft.     London,  1712. 

Case  of  the  Hertfordshire  Witchcraft  Considered.     London,  1712. 

Divine  Origin  and  Incomparable  Excellence  [Boyle  Lectures] .  By 
J.  Woodward.     London,  171 2. 

Full  Confutation  of  Witchcraft.     London,  1712. 

A  Full  and  Impartial  Account  of  the  Discovery  of  Sorcery  and 
Witchcraft  [by  Francis  Bragge] .     London,  1712. 

The  Clergyman's  Thanks  to  Phileleutherus.     London,  1713. 

Discourse  of  Freethinking  [by  Anthony  Collins] .     London,  1713. 

Directions  .  .  .  for  the  Preserving  of  Unity  in  the  Church  ,  .  . 
concerning  the  Holy  Trinity.     London,  1714. 

Difficulties  .  .  .  which  Attend  the  Study  of  the  Scriptures  [by 
Francis  Hare] .     London,  1714. 


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